MOMOH AND THE PARADOX OF DEMOCRATISATION
Dele Seteolu memorialises Abubakar Momoh, a scholar-activist
At this moment when many are positioning themselves for 2023, I would like to specially appreciate the Resource Centre for Human Rights and Civic Education (CHRICED) for deeming it appropriate and timely to convening this event with a view to remember and celebrate a scholar-activist, Abubakar Momoh, a professor of political theory. Humans by their very nature are forgetful. So, the Centre must be commended for deeming it fit and important to remember an organic scholar; especially in a country where the morally bankrupt and intellectual lightweights are largely worshipped. Given that I was a colleague, friend and comrade of Abu who witnessed some of his activities as an enigmatic activist, needless to stress that I am delighted to be invited to deliver this talk.
My presentation is divided into four main parts. It starts with an introduction that will flow into a short discourse of Momoh and his interaction with what I refer to as the ‘‘African and Africanist intellectual universe.’’ This second section will be followed by a third that underscores Momoh’s postulations on democracy, democratisation, de-democratisation and 2023. My presentation concludes with why it is important to remember our heroes and heroines ‘from below’ – such as Momoh – in our contemporary interrogation of the socio-economic and political challenges confronting Nigeria and indeed Africa.
The LateProfessor Abubakar Momoh had insatiable drive for knowledge and rigorous analysis; he was polemical, didactic, intellectually profound, and posed alternative constructs to extant orthodoxies. His writings were hinged on Marxian analytic framework to interrogate social, political and developmental questions at local and global level. Momoh though opted for the Marxian theory and political economy approach showed erudition in competing bourgeois theories. He deconstructed social struggles that underline state policies and political actions through the materialist interpretation of social reality without receding into economic determinism.
The Late Professor of Political Science was bothered about the contradictions in Nigeria’s political economy amidst the socio-economic conditions of the working people, urban poor and rural peasants. He critiqued economic policies and political actions that pauperised, alienated, and impoverished the mass of the people in Nigeria. Comrade Momoh was an ardent critic of market reforms in transition societies including Nigeria. He published several works on market reforms, development trajectories, impact of state economic policies on the weak social classes, the falsity of abstract based development without the requisite human development, and the political philosophy of development.
Abu activist role at the University of Lagos was remarkable, indeed, profound. He participated in the programmes of the Thomas Sankara Movement, Youth Solidarity on South Africa (YOUSSA) and other centrist and left organisations on campus. He became a visible and regular speaker at public events on many campuses especially the main campus of the University of Lagos in the 1980s. Momoh was passionate about his beliefs, ideas and world view; he was a consummate speaker who had the gift of oratory and eloquence. The campuses in Nigeria were particularly exciting in the 1970s- 80s. It coincided with cold war politics amidst the preponderance of regular debates on domestic and international affairs. Coincidentally, these citadels were populated, at this point in time, by some of the most intellectual and didactic scholars across ideological leanings like Patrick Wilmot, Late Eskor Toyo, Late Bade Onimode, Late Claude Ake, Late Ojetunji Aboyade, Late Bala Usman, Toye Olorode, Dipo Fasina, Tekina Tamuno, Late Akinjogbin, Alaba Ogunsanwo, Bolaji Akinyemi, Omo Omoruyi, late Peter Ekeh and Africanist scholars- Gavin Williams, Bjorn Beckman, Billy Dudley et al. The campuses ‘‘bubbled’’ with dialogues and robust debates on topical issues, which drew the anger and suspicion of military dictators. It is noteworthy that Abu featured prominently in these trajectories of post-colonial Nigeria as a student and later a university teacher.
Late Professor Momoh was visible in the trade movement and civil society organisations. He used the labour platform to engage Nigerian social and economic problems and labour issues. He deconstructed mainstream industrial relations, which had been characterised by ‘‘quietism’’. He insisted that this disciple should raise critical questions on labour relations and working-class conditions; and pose alternatives to extant orthodoxies within the context of working class interest. He was sought by some of the leading unions such as the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), Nigeria Union of Electricity Employees (NUEE), Iron and Steel Workers Union, Health and Medical Workers Union, Maritime Workers Union, Civil Service Union, et cetera. Abu was equally prominent in the programmes and political actions of civil society organisations. The centrist and radical civil society groups also offered platforms for Momoh to ventilate his ideas on major local and global issues. This scholar-activist featured prominently in the programmes of Committee for Defence of Human Rights (CDHR), Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO), Campaign for Democracy (CD), Joint Action Front (JAF), Centre for Constitutional Governance (CCG), United Action for Democracy (UAD), Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD), Resource Centre for Human Rights and Civic Education (CHRICED) and others. He was Chairman, Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), Lagos State University, (LASU), and National Treasurer, Academic Staff Union of Universities, (ASUU).
Comrade Momoh was rooted in Africa as signposted in his interventions and collaborations with pro-masses collectives such as Council for the Development of Social Research in Africa (CODESRIA), African Political Science Association (AAPS). He had physical and intellectual interface with high level African intellectuals and Africanist scholars. He had immense respect for these scholars and read thoroughly the works of Samir Amir, Issa Shivji, Thandika Mkandawire, Walter Rodney, Cheik Anta Diop, Amilcal Cabra, Claude Ake, Bade Onimode, Eskor Toyo, Horace Campbell, Bjorn Beckman, Gavin Williams, Late Bala Usman, Yusuf Bangura, Tijanni Bande and Rauf Mustapha et al. His works were largely influenced by the original thoughts and perspectives of these scholars especially on African issues. He did not despise liberal scholarship and celebrated the works of the like of Adele Jinadu, who wrote a profound Doctoral Thesis on the philosophy of Frank Fanon, Bayo Adekanye, Alex Gboyega, Adigun Agbaje, Okechukwu Ibeanu, Tade Akin Aina et al.
This paper notes the link between Abu’s scholarship and his activism. Both were focused on the contradictions within the Nigerian state and globally, and the challenge to organise intellectually based struggles to liberate exploited, alienated, disempowered social groups on the basis of new social relations to production. He was therefore a public intellectual who relied on knowledge for social liberation especially of repressed social classes. To Professor Momoh, ‘‘the Public intellectual operates on four main principles. The first is the principle of patriotism which entails belief that being patriotic is far nobler than being sectional, sectarian and ethnic. The second is the principle of the public good. This implies that a public and common good has utilitarian meaning and value for majority of the citizens than the private or individual good which serves the interest of a few people. Third, the public intellectual is the conscience of the nation and the voice of the voiceless, articulates his interests and grants agency to the subalterns, lumpen and working class. Fourth, ‘the public intellectual valorizes or essentialises ideas believing that change can only occur through ideas of change and transformation.’’
The scholar-activist canvassed with passion his opinions on election, democracy and democratisation question in Africa. He was the Director General of ‘The Electoral Institute,’ (TEI), Abuja. He re-introduced rigorous research at the Institute and ensured that the members of staff were exposed to varying experiences on election management in different countries. He sought as Director General the critical inputs of academics and the civil society organisations on the different aspects of election. He re-interrogated the dilemmas of politically related violence and inconclusive election when the orgy of political violence and inconclusive election had assumed major impediments to the consolidation of Nigeria’s democracy. Ironically, he was a victim of election violence in the Ekiti Gubernatorial elections in Dr Fayemi’s tenure. He had travelled to Ekiti to monitor the elections but was ambushed by exuberant and reckless mob that inflicted serious injuries on him. This rather unfortunate incident drew local and international condemnation; it signposted the nature of politics in Nigeria as warfare and rancorous struggle for state power. The Nigerian state is therefore a captured terrain to consolidate class interests and objectives.
Excerpts of a lecture by Dr. Seteolu at the 5th Memorial of Professor Abubakar Momoh in Abuja
