WAGNER GROUP AND COUPS IN WEST AFRICA

The recent military coup in Niger Republic is a threat to Nigerian democracy. The political landscape in the Sahel started changing dramatically in 2020 with the return of the military. It took a dramatic turn in Chad with the death of President Idris Derby in combat, followed by the takeover of his son in April 2021. In August 2020, Assimi Goitre carried out the first phase of a coup in Mali. The Guinea regime fell to the military in September 2021 and a coup took place in Burkina Faso in September 2022.

Niger Republic coup is the seventh in West Africa in less than three years. Niger Republic is strategic in the fight against jihadists in the Sahel. Wagner Group is now influencing military coups in Africa. Wagner’s role in Africa poses a severe threat to the security and stability of African states as well as the strategic interests of the United States and allied nations. Nigerien coup is a threat to Nigerian democracy because of the closeness of Niger to Nigeria.

In West Africa, fragile democratic governments are being systematically overthrown by ambitious military adventurists through the influence of Wagner Group. The military in countries that have witnessed coup in Africa are exploiting the mineral resources with Wagner Group. In quick succession, Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso and Chad have all recently witnessed coups. In each case, the justifications by coup makers have included the bad handling of jihadist insurgency and terrorist pressure by elected governments. As the driving force behind Russian expansion, the mercenary company led by Yevgeny Prigozhin actively supports authoritarian regimes in efforts to secure their political survival, while exploiting natural resources. Wagner group plays destabilizing role in the Sahel, a conflict-ridden stretch of territory spanning western and north-central Africa, from Senegal to Sudan.

The group has had a mixed record in these operations. While maintaining a low profile in Mali, it has been more visible in the Central African Republic. Its presence is expected in Burkina Faso, but has been reduced in Libya and Syria. The group is known for its opportunistic approach and closely follows the interests of Russian diplomacy. It entered Serbia quickly but left just as fast, showcasing its adaptability to changing circumstances.

The Wagner Group has established operations in several African countries, where many of its operations focus on security issues. It has often provided security services and paramilitary assistance and launched disinformation campaigns for troubled regimes in exchange for resource concessions and diplomatic support. Wagner is most active in the Central African Republic (CAR), Libya, Mali, and Sudan, all of which have a tenuous relationship with the West due to colonial legacies and inherent political differences.

The Wagner Group, a thousand-strong private military force, has in recent years become one of Russia’s most influential foreign policy tools. It has played a significant role in the battlefields of Syria and Ukraine and, recently, has worked to expand its footprint in Africa.

In the Central African Republic, for example, 1,890 so-called “Russian instructors” are supporting government troops in the ongoing civil war, according to the Russian ambassador. In Libya, up to 1,200 Wagner mercenaries are believed to be fighting on the side of rebel leader Khalifa Hifter. In Mali, the pro-Russian, anti-Western military junta has also brought hundreds of Wagner fighters into the country. There, they have been accused of committing serious human rights violations.

But the Wagner Group’s presence in Africa extends much further, experts say. “Wagner itself has developed over time as an organization that’s gone from being a purely private military contracting entity into a multiplicity of business alliances and relations, and a network of companies. Some of them front companies across the countries in which they operate on the African continent,” Julian Rademeyer told DW recently at the Munich Security Conference. “It operates in this legal gray zone between illicit activities and more legal illicit activities. And it straddled those quite, quite effectively.”

Inwalomhe Donald, Dole-Kaina, Kebbi State