THE COUP IN NIGER

Chekwube Nzomiwu contends military intervention contradicts Nigeria’s  foreign policy

Last Thursday, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) announced that no option is off the table for restoring constitutional order in Niger, including the use of force. The sub-regional body ordered its Chief of Defense Staff Committee to immediately activate its standby force for possible military intervention in the troubled country.  President of ECOWAS, Omar Alieu Touray gave the order while reading the resolution taken at the Extraordinary meeting on the Niger Coup in Abuja, attended by 11 heads of state. An earlier resolution by ECOWAS issuing one-week ultimatum to the junta to reinstate the ousted President, Mohamed Bazoum, was rebuffed.

Prior to last Thursday’s meeting, Nigerians heavily criticized President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the Chairman of the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government for contemplating military intervention in Niger. The Nigerian Senate also rejected military intervention in that country. The President speaking through his spokesman, Ajuri Ngelale, shrugged off the criticisms, saying the military option was the decision of the ECOWAS regional bloc and not a Nigerian decision.

However, as persuasive as the Nigerian government’s argument may sound, it will impress only a novice in Nigeria’s foreign affairs, especially as it affects Africa and the West African sub-region in particular. Although ECOWAS is made up of 15 countries, Nigeria’s dominates its affairs. The ECOWAS Treaty signed in Lagos in 1975, makes Nigeria the Headquarters of the organization. The Secretariat was initially in Lagos until 1998, when it was moved to Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory.  Similarly, Nigeria is the largest donor to the organisation.

The leadership role played by Nigeria in the sub-regional body is not surprising. From the time that Nigeria gained Independence from Britain on October 1, 1960, she adopted Africa as the c enterpiece of her foreign policy. In a major speech in parliament few weeks before independence, the Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa identified what he considered to be the general aims of Nigeria’s foreign policy. They include the promotion of the national interest of the federation and of the citizens, friendship and co-operation with all nations of the world which support and respect Nigeria’s sovereignty and non-alignment to any power bloc.

Others are, the respect for the sovereign equality of all nations as well as non-intervention in the internal affairs of other states, unimpeded decolonization and assistance to African states in search of solution to their problems, and encouragement and development of common ties among all African states to foster cooperation among them, in so far as it is compatible with Nigeria’s national interest.      

Although, a lot has happened in Nigeria between the 1960s and today, there has not been any significant change in the country’s foreign policy, notwithstanding several transitions from military to civilian regimes and the migration from parliamentary to presidential system.

Currently, Nigeria’s foreign policy objectives are encapsulated in the 1999 Constitution (as amended), which Tinubu swore to uphold on May 29 this year when he assumed office as the President and Commander-in-Chief of Nigerian Armed Forces. Quoting from Chapter II of the Constitution, Section 19, under the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principle of State Policy, “The foreign policy objectives shall be (a) promotion and protection of the national interest (b) promotion of African integration and support for African unity (c) promotion of international co-operation for the consolidation of universal peace and mutual respect among all nations and elimination of discrimination in all its manifestations (d) respect for international law and treaty obligations as well as the seeking of settlement of international disputes by negotiation, media, conciliation and adjudication, and (e) promotion of just world economic order. 

It is on the basis of this constitutional provision that we will look at the proposed ECOWAS military intervention in Niger, to see if it complies with the aims and objectives of Nigeria’s foreign policy. According to the 1999 Constitution, the first objective of Nigeria’s foreign policy is the promotion and protection of national interest. While there is no consensus globally on what constitutes national interest, it is even more ambiguous and not well defined in Nigeria.

However, consensus or no consensus, I don’t think a country going to war at a time it is facing daunting challenges at home is in national interest. The foreign policy of a country should be a product of environmental factors, internal and external to it. Nigeria is just coming out of a general election that heavily polarised the country along ethnic and even religious lines. The legitimacy of the government is still being challenged at the Election Petition Court.

Equally, Nigerians are facing excruciating hardship as a result of some difficult economic policies introduced by the new government, such as the fuel subsidy removal and floating of the Naira. In just two months of the Tinubu government, the price of fuel has tripled, jumping from N195 to N617 as a result of the removal of fuel subsidy.

Following the astronomically increase in fuel price, the cost of food and other commodities as well as transportation fares in the market have skyrocketed. According to the Debt Management Office, Nigeria’s foreign debt is about $41.69bn, excluding the proposed $800 million World Bank loan for subsidy palliatives.  Insecurity has aggravated unhindered.

Before a man decides to apply force to resolve the dispute in his neighbour’s house, it is expected that he should first of all put his own house in order.  Hence, the decision of ECOWAS to explore military option in Niger is at variance with what Nigeria stands for, vis-a-vis her foreign policy, which is duly enshrined in the constitution.

In an earlier article, I noted that the proximity of Niger to Nigeria makes military option by ECOWAS in the former too dicey for the latter. The Nigeria-Niger border covers a distance of over 1, 600 kilometres traversing seven states in Northern Nigeria, currently under the siege of terrorists and bandits. Incidentally, Niger alongside Chad and Benin Republic, contributed militarily to the Multi-National Joint Taskforce combating terrorists in North East Nigeria.

In spite of the fact that Nigeria has contributed enormously to peace keeping operations in other West African countries, ECOWAS as body has done little or nothing to assist Nigeria in combating insecurity within her territory.

Military intervention in Niger also contradicts Nigeria’s second foreign policy objective of promoting African integration and support for African unity. Recently, President Tinubu upheld this objective in his first appearance at the AU, Regional Economic Communities meeting in Nairobi Kenya, where he warned that “the fullness of integration will continue to elude us as long as several of our nations stand in the midst of violence and war.”  With Sudan already boiling, Africa may crumble if Niger becomes the theatre of another proxy war involving super powers. 

Military action in Niger is equally antithetical to the third objective of Nigeria’s foreign policy. This policy seeks to promote international co-operation for the consolidation of universal peace and mutual respect among all nations, and elimination of discrimination in all its manifestations. Rather than achieve this, military intervention in Niger will promote mutual disrespect among nations and encourage discrimination in all its ramifications. Therefore, the political crisis in Niger should be resolved through diplomacy.

Diplomacy encourages dialogue. It helps to protect democratic values. One of the best definitions of democracy attributed to former US President, Abraham Lincoln is “government of the people by the people for the people.” Unfortunately, most West African countries practice oligarchy or aristocracy, which promotes government of, by and for the benefit a few or a privileged class, at the detriment of the majority.

Is it not curious that the President of Cote D’Ivoire, Alassane Quattara, is one of the champions of military intervention in Niger? The same man who usurped the constitution of his country in 2016 to give himself a third term in office. What did ECOWAS do about that? Nothing.

The fourth objective of Nigeria’s foreign policy is respect for international law and treaty obligations as well as the seeking of settlement of international disputes by negotiation, mediation, conciliation and adjudication. There is no provision in our foreign policy, recommending military action as a means of settling disputes. Niger is an independent country, enjoying all the appurtenances of a modern state including sovereignty. If ECOWAS must intervene, it should be through mediation and not aggression.

War is an ill wind that blows nobody any good. In addition to loss of human lives, it will lead to needless humanitarian crisis. As we speak, Niger hosts thousands of Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) from Nigeria. Where will these people run to if there is a war in their host country? 

The fifth and last objective of Nigeria’s foreign policy is the promotion of just world economic order. A military incursion into Niger will further promote the existing unjust world economic order, tilting heavily in favour of the countries of Europe and North America, against the African continent. These countries of the western hemisphere and their allies continue to take advantage of their past colonial influence over Africa and ineptitude of African leaders, to exploit most of the African countries, reducing them to mere supplier of raw materials to their industries, while Africans wallow in abject poverty. Nigeria has a strong history of supporting liberation struggles in different parts of Africa. Nigerian government should not allow itself to be used to pursue the agenda of any western nation in Niger. A word is enough for the wise.

Nzomiwu, a public affairs commentator, writes from Awka, Anambra State