Special Edition On The 25th Anniversary Of Unbroken Democracy In Nigeria
Looking Back, Forging Ahead
BY OLUSEGUN ADENIYI
Although James Bennet was speaking about New York Times when he defined the editorial board as “an institutional voice, but not the voice of the institution as a whole”, one can also infer that he spoke to what the board is, or should be about, in any serious publication. For sure, that is what the THISDAY editorial board represents.
For the past 14 years, I have been fortunate to share ideas with incredible Nigerians from diverse backgrounds and worldviews brought together to deploy their knowledge and expertise on burning national issues. Some have gone on to be governor, minister, commissioner, special adviser, federal lawmaker, and head of critical agencies, both at the centre and in the states. Although many of these respected citizens are no longer on the board, I have invited some to contribute to this special publication. And for good reasons too.
Whether in the life of an individual or a nation, a silver anniversary is a very significant milestone. It is even more so in this instance, given the political trajectory of our country. Nigeria’s first experiment in democracy lasted just six years. The second attempt was even shorter: Four years and three months. Meanwhile, the Third Republic was aborted before it was even inaugurated. That the current democratic dispensation in our country has lasted a quarter of a century is indeed remarkable.
As Nigeria therefore marks its 25 years of unbroken democracy, it is a time to reflect on the past, celebrate the present and look to the future with optimism. But as we have done on different occasions in the past 14 years that I have chaired THISDAY editorial board, we are pushing the envelope to go beyond the unsigned commentary which represents the newspaper’s position on contemporary issues either on the local scene or in the international arena. We are giving each member, including those that served in the past, a voice. That is what the times demand.
By most demographic projections, the percentage of Nigerians under the age of 25 is about 62 percent while those below 30 is put at about 71 percent. That means we have a generation whose members have only experienced the current democratic dispensation that started in 1999. These young Nigerians may therefore not appreciate the difference between the freedom they now enjoy, even with its imperfections, and the authoritarianism, oppression and the disdain and utter contempt for any form of accountability that defined the era gone by.
However, the contributions in this collection do not make excuses for our failures. Nor are they about the past. They represent the views of (former and current) members, including those who have also, at some point, been critical actors in the public arena. For instance, the imperative of the moment, according to NASIR EL-RUFAI, “is to restore a federal structure that challenges and rewards creative efforts by the states to build up their subnational economies and governance capacity.” For UDOMA UDO UDOMA, who described the failure of the ‘Third Term’ project in 2006 as one of the triumphs worth celebrating, “The effect of what the National Assembly did is that, in Nigeria, the power of incumbency cannot be used, as in some other African countries, to perpetuate anyone in office.”
However, despite whatever may be the benefits of democracy, the hangover of military rule is still very much with us, according to CHIDI AMUTA, who posits that “there is still a general intemperance in the attitude of the people to the value of forbearance as an attribute of democratic conduct.” Both BASHIR YUSUF IBRAHIM and EDDIE IROH take a pessimistic view of our democratic journey with the conclusion that it is not working for most Nigerians. “To be sure, Nigeria’s democracy has, over the last 25 years, been hijacked by imposters who promote personal and private interests at the expense of the nation’s viability and its future,” the former wrote. The latter’s thesis is on the structure of government and governance with the conclusion that “within the federal system exists a financial arrangement that has made the quest for the presidency a quinquennially do-or-die affair.” NDUBUISI FRANCIS is worried about the food crisis in Nigeria for which there seems to be no coherent solution.
Looking ahead, KAYODE KOMOLAFE argues that to develop, we must go back to the era of Development Plans. MONDAY PHILIPS EKPE whose intervention is on the current socio-economic situation in Nigeria concludes that “It’s difficult to comprehend how people are coping with the numerous troubles which undermine all known variables that safeguard their wellbeing.” In individual households, MARYAM UWAIS further argues, “the inability to make ends meet exacerbates social, physical, and mental problems, all of which undermine economic growth.” To address those challenges, AISHA SHUAIBU advocates for “policies that promote equitable access to education, healthcare, and socio-economic opportunities can bridge the gap between the different segments of our society.”
While the concerns of AISHA HASSAN BABA centres on the growing cases of suicides in the country, BENNETH OGHIFO speaks to the neglect of environmental issues by the federal government. Meanwhile, EUGENIA ABU uses what happens in traffic to illustrate the loss of civility in the country. PAUL NWABUIKWU sees a lesson for the country in the recent adoption of Ghana by American music star, Stevie Wonder. And despite different actions that have been adopted and implemented to foster national unity among different ethnic groups, according to IYOBOSA UWUGIAREN, “primitive sentiments have continued to pervade the political system.” While also projecting into the future, ANGELA GBEMISOLA ATTAH proposes that “Our foremost priority should be the preservation and promotion of these values. Let us reclaim our role as a village that nurtures resilient, compassionate, and morally grounded children.”
In the reflection of ISABELLA OKAGBUE, what we practice is “a democracy that does not live up to the dreams of those political and human rights crusaders that fought for the end of military rule all those many years ago.” Until we reinvent Nigerian democracy or refashion it to suit our peculiar circumstances, according to SONNIE EKWOWUSI, “we are simply wasting our time by creating opportunities for those who would steal political power and wreak havoc on the country.”
Taking a philosophical view of our current trajectory, OKEY IKECHUKWU argues that we may be “Tottering, wobbling and flip flopping,” but hope is not yet lost for Nigeria. On the way forward, WAZIRI ADIO contends that “We need to remove the binding constraints to good governance, deepen the democratic temperament of our politicians and citizens.” And FAFAA DAN PRINCEWILL sends a poignant message to the young generation of Nigerians: “You are the anchors of our aspirations, the custodians of our blood-stained legacy.”
By way of a reminder that democracy is still very much preferred to other forms of government, despite its own challenges, I recall my column of 6th January 2000, ‘Who Dares Impound AA375 SHA?’. Hilarious as the recollection may be, the message is important.
Overall, notwithstanding the stand taken by each contributor, what we celebrate in this edition is the strength of a democracy in a country where many had long concluded that it is too frail a plant to survive. Now, we have journalists raising their voices without fear and government can be changed by ballots rather than bullets. But this collection is also not just that our democracy has endured a quarter of a century but also a reminder that freedom is never guaranteed. As we can see with the examples of neighbouring countries, sustaining our democracy is a collective responsibility.
NASIR EL-RUFAI, CON A former Director General of the Bureau for Public Enterprise (BPE) and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) between 2003 and 2007, El-Rufai served as governor of Kaduna State from May 2015 to May 2023. Before his foray into politics and public service, he was the founding CEO of El-Rufai & Partners, a quantity surveying consulting firm. He also held management positions with two international telecommunications companies, AT &T Network Systems International BV and Motorola Inc.
Restoring Our Federal Structure
BY NASIR EL-RUFAI, CON
I had the privilege of chairing the All Progressives Congress (APC) Committee on True Federalism which submitted its report back in January 2018. This committee of distinguished Nigerians was established as part of our party’s attempt to put forward a position on federalism, an issue that has been intensely debated in recent decades. For the sake of our country and its people, we need to put as much passion into effecting what has been agreed, even as we further debate that which is awaiting consensus or resolution. We are in our 25th year of democratic governance, long enough for a panoply of deliberate actions to be taken to undo the distortions injected into our federalism by decades of military rule.
Propelled by ideology or driven by pragmatic desire for a working and dynamic country, many Nigerians see the merit in devolving powers and responsibility to the subnational level. It is seen as key to further unleashing the productive impulse, spurring creativity, rewarding the competitive instinct, and promoting better governance across the states. Devolution of powers will also free the Federal Government of some burdens and enable it to concentrate better on discharging its most consequential responsibilities in national defence and security, monetary and fiscal policy and foreign relations.
Some positive steps towards restoring and practicing federal ethos have recently been taken. The constitutional amendments passed by the 9th National Assembly in January 2023 included significant adjustments to the exclusive list, shifting some important responsibilities like electricity, railways and prisons to the concurrent list. This empowers state governments to regulate the generation, transmission and distribution of electricity, intra-state rail networks and establish correctional facilities. Happily, President Muhammadu Buhari assented to some of the constitutional reform bills enacted by the 9th Assembly. This step towards decentralisation has been reinforced by President Bola Tinubu who swiftly signed the Electricity Act 2023 that bestows on state governments powers to regulate electricity markets within their boundaries.
Some state governments have moved with admirable speed to actualise their newfound regulatory powers in the electricity supply industry. In compliance with the law, the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission has also commendably ceded regulatory powers to such state governments. Given the well-known challenges in the electricity sector, there is much hope that the involvement of subnational actors and the private sector will help mobilise more resources to help address gaps in the sector. Efforts by the state governments to participate in the sector may also help to further build professional, technical and regulatory capacity across the states, to the benefit of all.
There is also renewed interest in decentralising the internal security structure, particularly policing. The weaknesses and inadequacy of a centralised police structure in a federation are painfully obvious. Government efforts to secure our people, their property, livelihoods and communities would be enhanced by introducing additional law enforcement footprint at the state, local government and community levels. Such subnational policing structures should be empowered with the necessary resources in personnel, training, equipment and technology to deter and prevent crime, protect citizens, businesses, and property, and to arrest and prosecute criminals. I hope that the conversations going on now would produce concrete measures in this regard, with strong nationwide regulation to address the concerns of those fearful of abuse or politicisation of policing powers by State Governments.
These welcome steps should spur us to complete the work that remains to be done towards reclaiming the federal in the official name of Nigeria. One of this is a conclusive clarification of the status of the local government councils. Nigeria’s federation is a union between its 36 states and the Federal Government. The APC Committee on True Federalism considered it an anomaly that the local government areas are named and listed in the Constitution and that they receive direct funding from the Federation Account. Our committee recommended that local government should be a matter for states which should decide on, legislate for, and fund the type of democratic local government system that best suits them.
As things stand, the contention over local government councils across the country stems largely from the funding that they receive from the Federation Account. In my view, a more prudent, and truly federal, option would be to let the Federation Account fund only the federal and the state governments, while the state governments should then fund and manage governance at the local level as they deem fit, and as reflected in the enabling laws that their respective Houses of Assembly shall enact to that effect. Every state can then have as many or as few local government councils as they may choose.
The APC Committee on True Federalism recommended that the federation be rebalanced, with more powers and responsibilities devolved to the states. Our federal system needs to strengthen the state governments to effectively deliver on the many human capital and infrastructural development responsibilities that are vested in them by the Constitution. Another pending issue is the question of restoring a federal structure in the judiciary. The powers of the National Judicial Council (NJC) should be limited to federal courts (and the Federal Capital Territory), while the state judiciaries should be vested in the State Judicial Councils to be created by constitutional amendment.
As a country, we also must develop consensus on the application of fiscal federalism and the control of mineral resources. Let us discuss and settle the question regarding whether the vesting of land in the states by the Constitution and the Land Use Act should be extended to include ownership and control of minerals below the land, including oil and gas resources. That scenario will see the Federal Government collecting royalties and taxes, while retaining control of all offshore minerals in the continental shelf and the recently enlarged extended economic zone, in accordance with public international law.
The APC Committee on True Federalism had worked in the hope that its report would help enhance nation-building. Our consultations and deliberations highlighted the enduring appeal of federalism across the country. The patriots that negotiated our independence in the 1950s built a national consensus on federalism, with strong regions and a weak federal government. Federalism as a principle was made even more appealing over the decades by the evident distortions and clear limitations of military rule. The apparent failure of the creeping centralisation that set in after the tragic events of 1966 to build a strong Nigerian state and an efficient political and economic system has further reinforced the argument for federalism.
Excessive centralisation has neither strengthened national unity nor encouraged a productive instinct. As I observed during a Chatham House talk on restructuring in 2017, “unitarist and distributive impulses did not accelerate the evolution of national unity nor encourage productive endeavour. Rather, it created a rentier economic structure.” A federal restoration will help correct this.
This country was birthed as a federation. The imperative of the moment is to restore a federal structure that challenges and rewards creative efforts by the states to build up their subnational economies and governance capacity and frees the Federal Government to better discharge its core responsibilities to secure the country, grow its economy and be the leading voice of the Black race in international relations. A unique opportunity beckons for the federal and state governments and the 10th National Assembly to further accelerate the evolution of a better functioning federation within the next 12 months.
ISABELLA OKAGBUE A Professor of law with many publications, Okagbue is a recipient of several honours and awards, including the 1992/93 Fulbright African Senior Research Scholar Award at the Harvard Law School as a Fulbright Fellow, a Butterworths Fellowship from the London Institute of Advanced Legal Studies, and Best Student Prize Faculty of Law University of Nigeria (1977). She is an Honorary Fellow of the Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies.
These Little Lights That Shine
BY ISABELLA OKAGBUE
Twenty-five years after the restoration of democracy in Nigeria the 2023 Freedom in the World Report rates Nigeria as ‘partly free’ with a score of 43/100 broken down into 20/40 for political rights and 23/60 for civil liberties. It’s not news to anybody following events in the country that Nigeria suffers from a ‘democracy deficit’. What we practice is a democracy that does not live up to the dreams of those political and human rights crusaders that fought for the end of military rule all those many years ago.
I do not intend to linger on the long litany of our many woes but would rather focus on the central underlying theme of normative collapse which we are fast approaching and the implications this might have for a functioning democracy. Every society has a system of norms, values and standards that guide, control or regulate human behaviour. Many of these may be embodied in laws – thou shalt not kill – while others may simply be expectations about proper and acceptable behaviour – curtsey when you greet your elders – for example. Normative collapse is a situation that occurs when there is no longer an authoritative standard that governs human behaviour. When the rules governing conduct are ignored and breached with impunity and dysfunction becomes the norm.
I will focus on one troubling example of dysfunction. The judiciary has been under the spotlight recently. Bizarre judicial pronouncements abound, conflicting decisions are rife, clear precedents set by the superior courts are ignored, law enforcement agencies are restrained from carrying out their statutory functions and electoral tribunals pronounce judgements that strain credulity. The very institution that is designed to protect and enforce the normative order appears itself to be mired in a sea of at worst corruption and at best incompetence that threatens the foundation of democracy – the rule of law.
While recognising the fact of many hardworking and honest judges on the bench a worrying trend has developed of nepotism in the appointment of judges. Professor Chidi Odinkalu in a recent newspaper article opined that there appears to be ‘a conspiracy by those responsible to subvert the rules governing judicial appointments in order to prefer members of their own families or intimate networks’. The Chief Justice of Nigeria for example is alleged to have ensured the appointment of his son, daughter-in-law and nephew as judges and of his own brother as auditor of the National Judicial Council (NJC) an institution which he heads.
It is difficult to fathom how the National Judicial Commission (NJC) appears not to understand the importance of transparency and ethical standards in the appointment of judges and the damage that is done to public confidence in the fair and impartial adjudication of their matters when this is not the case. That the apex authority for the enforcement of legal norms appears to have so badly lost its way is symptomatic of how deep and widespread the malaise is in the wider society. The likes of Justices Kayode Eso, Chukwudifu Oputa and Mohammed Bello (to mention but a few) who were among the leading lights of the judiciary under military rule must be turning in their graves!
The imminent collapse of the normative order invariably negatively impacts democracy. Institutions are hollowed out and weakened, justice for perceived wrongs cannot be achieved, economic development is stymied, the citizenry become disaffected and at the end of a long downward spiral, chaos and state collapse lie in wait. But is this what lies ahead? Nigeria has been described as a country of paradoxes. In the midst of grinding poverty, we have several people on the Forbes list of billionaires. While Nigerians are consistently among the most educated immigrant groups in foreign countries, here at home a staggering 20 million children are out of school, the highest number of out-of-school children in the world. And in the midst of the most rampant and egregious corruption and social dysfunction pockets of excellence exist.
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Commissioner who in the last elections refused to be bribed into changing the results of a gubernatorial election. The Nigerian Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) that competently led Nigeria’s response during the Covid-19 pandemic and arguably saved millions of lives. The Nigerian Sovereign Investment Authority (NSIA) which has supported numerous projects in road infrastructure, health care, housing, agriculture, youth and education all while earning a substantial return on investment and with no whiff of scandal. The Duty Solicitor Network (DSN) that organises young volunteer lawyers to visit police stations around the country to ensure that the rights of detained persons are protected. The EndSARS Movement which mobilised young people to vigorously protest police brutality. The Bring Back Our Girls (BBOG) campaign spearheaded by women to tirelessly keep the kidnapped Chibok girls at the forefront of national discourse. The stories of this cleaner here or that taxi driver there who returned lost sums of money which they had found with no expectation of reward. A list which is by no means exhaustive. These institutions and individuals are the little lights that shine that give us cause to hope that we can find a way forward.
What can be done to rebuild the norms and values in our society that are foundational to a successful democracy? The eradication of corruption which permeates every level of Nigerian society would be a good starting point. To achieve this the importance of leadership cannot be overstated. The iconic Singaporean statesman Lee Kuan Yew successfully implemented his vision of a corrupt free Singapore by implementing a top-down approach. His guiding philosophy was simple – a leader should not protect crooked subordinates. A position of zero tolerance for corruption coupled with impartial enforcement targeting both high ranking officials and ordinary citizens equally, carried the day.
In our Presidential system of governance, the body language that emanates from the top sets the tone for everyone else and the top does not just consist of the President but his entire team. The appointment of competent persons of proven integrity into key government positions and agencies is therefore one of the foundational building blocks of a successful anti-corruption regime. The vigorous enforcement of anti-corruption legislation regardless of whose ox is gored is another. The impartial imposition of consequences for wrongful conduct is vital. When bad actors escape punishment or punishment only attaches to persons in the opposition party, bad actors throughout the system take their cue from that signal and impunity reigns.
One must also point out that poverty, illiteracy, unemployment and the existential despair from lack of hope for a better future, if unaddressed, also lead to social anomie and the wide scale breakdown of the normative order. A top-down approach of combatting corruption must therefore also be accompanied by a bottom-up approach of addressing the education and welfare of Nigerian citizens.
We can only hope that 25 years from now we will be celebrating 50 unbroken years of democracy in Nigeria and that the little lights that shine today here and there will have become wildfires that burn brightly throughout the land.
UDOMA UDO UDOMA, CON Lawyer, former Senate Chief Whip and Budget and National Planning Minister between 2015 and 2019, Udoma has also chaired boards of several private and public entities, including the UAC of Nigeria Plc, Union Bank of Nigeria Plc, Unilever Nigeria Plc, Nigerian Securities & Exchange Commission (SEC) etc. He is a recipient of the highest award to a non-Japanese national – ‘The Order of the Rising Sun, Gold and Silver Star’
We Must Tinker with the Leadership Recruitment Process
BY UDOMA UDO UDOMA, CON
When I was elected into the Senate at the return to democracy in May 1999, those of us who were greenhorns were full of excitement. However, our excitement was dampened by some of the veteran politicians who reminded us that this might yet be another experiment in democracy that would not last. But 25 years later, we are still going strong. We have been able to manage several crises, including the death of a president in office. A sitting president was defeated by an opposition party candidate, and he conceded without a fight. We have had Southern Presidents, and we have had Northern Presidents. We have had Christian Presidents, and we have had Muslim Presidents. We have even had a President from a minority ethnic group. Our democracy has also survived a number of economic recessions, the Covid 19 Pandemic, Boko Haram militants in the North, secessionist agitators in the Southeast, farmers/herders’ clashes in the middle belt, end-SARS youth discontent and unrest in many parts of the country and militant activity in the Niger Delta.
For the last 25 years, despite concerns about Nigeria being turned into a one-party state, we have been able to sustain a competitive multi-party democracy. The Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) was the dominant party for the first 16 years, controlling the Presidency, the National Assembly, and the majority of States. Since 2015, for the last nine years, the All Progressives Congress (APC) has now become the dominant party, controlling the Presidency, the National Assembly, and the majority of States. The last presidential election was indeed the most competitive. The winner, Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the APC, won with a vote tally of 8,794,726 which was only 36.61% of the total. The runner up, Atiku Abubakar of the PDP secured 6,984,520 (29.07% of the total). Meanwhile, Peter Obi, who ran on the platform of a relatively unknown Labour Party, was able to garner a total of 6,101,533, which was 25.4% of the popular votes. This tells us that our electoral system is maturing and that there is a real contest for the votes of the people.
There is also no doubt that democracy has delivered on political freedoms. Unlike under the military governments, Nigerians generally feel free to express their views (as they often do without restraint on social media) and associate with whoever they please, without let or hindrance. We are also able to criticize our leaders freely and every Nigerian is free to run for any office, provided he or she meets the minimum qualification required for that office. The press, which was constantly harassed under the military, is also relatively free and extremely lively. Nigerians are proud and jealous of these freedoms.
Notwithstanding these successes, there is no doubt that our democracy is still fragile. People complain that some of our political leaders display an extravagant and ostentatious lifestyle whilst many Nigerians are suffering. People also complain that whilst, unlike under the military, the courts are no longer controlled by the government, many of our judges are corrupt and sell judgements to the highest bidder. Many also feel that they are not seeing the economic dividends of democracy. I recall that when I was on the campaign trail there were constant demands for empowerment – both immediate, as in handouts and palliatives, and longer term, as in jobs.
With a population growing at about 2.4% per annum (UN projections) we need more and more jobs to meet the demands of the growing youth population. The slow jobs growth over the years, accentuated by the rising costs of living, is leading to rising dissatisfaction, forcing many of our young people to vote with their feet as they seek greener pastures elsewhere. There is no doubt that our leaders, particularly our Presidents, and our State Governors, have been under immense pressure from Nigerians to deliver better economic performance. We need greater economic success to assure the future of our democracy.
However, a very positive development which is playing a greater role than many realise in sustaining our democracy happened in 2006. One of the greatest triumphs of our democracy was in 2006 when the National Assembly was able to muster the courage to stop a move supported by the presidency to amend the Constitution to remove term limits for governors and the president. That move was decisively killed on the floor of the Senate. Even now, looking back as a player in that act, I am amazed that we managed to resist the intense political pressure that was mounted on us. This shows that, when it matters, Nigerian politicians can stand up to defend democracy.
The effect of what the National Assembly did is that, in Nigeria, the power of incumbency cannot be used, as in some other African countries, to perpetuate anyone in office. Our democracy is one in which we are guaranteed that every eight years, at the maximum, we will have new Governors, and a new President. This guarantee of constant renewal assures Nigerians that no leader will be with us forever. Therefore, as Nigerians, we know that if we don’t like a particular leader all we have to do is to exercise a little patience as we will have a change.
However, I am worried that the process of leadership selection is too random. Whilst there is a guarantee of constant renewal, there is nothing to suggest that the general direction of movement is towards improvement in the quality of our leaders. We have had many good leaders in the different arms of Government, and in the States – but we have had many more bad ones. And when we have good leaders, it is by luck. Indeed, a number of credible persons are put off by the process, particularly the party primaries. In many of the major political parties, it is becoming increasingly difficult for a candidate without substantial resources, or a major sponsor amongst the party chieftains, to win. This is an area that our political class will need to address.
We must find a way of improving the party primaries process to encourage our best and brightest to take part in the process, including those with limited resources. A suggestion I made when I was the Senate Chief Whip was for political parties to approach their candidate selection process the same way successful major corporations fill vacancies when they occur. Political parties might wish to consider setting up candidate selection advisory boards in each constituency consisting of credible individuals who have made their names in the business world, in the professions, in academics, in the civil service or in politics. Whilst ruling themselves out of consideration, it should be the responsibility of the members of these advisory boards to seek out talented and promising candidates with established track records, to enrich the field for candidate selection. In addition to asking for applications, head-hunters may be retained to seek out good candidates.
The final shortlist should be prepared after a rigorous interview process and the rationale for each person selected should be set out and available to all members of the party, as well as the general public, for scrutiny. The purpose of the shortlist should be simply to enrich the field as the people who make this final shortlist will still be subjected to the party primaries – whether direct or indirect, depending on the choice of the political party. Ideally these primaries should be conducted either by some form of electronic voting, or, at the very least, voter accreditation should be by some electronic means to give the process credibility. However, no member of the party should be excluded from contesting the party primaries, even those who do not make this shortlist. In this way, we can avoid any abuse of the screening process by the advisory boards. And also, to ensure some continuity, incumbents, who have not reached their term limits, should have an automatic right to participate in the party primaries without being subjected to any selection process.
I am sure that there are other suggestions that can be made to improve the party primaries process. Political Parties should welcome and seek out these ideas. It is important that the political class treat the reform of the party primaries process as a priority because, in the long run, we can only sustain our democracy if we can find a way to ensure a continuous pipeline of talented people from which to elect our leaders.
Let me congratulate all Nigerians as we celebrate 25 years of democracy.
CHIDI AMUTA With more than 30 years in reportorial and management journalism, Amuta has held senior editorial positions as foundation Member, Editorial Board, The Guardian; Chairman, Editorial Board and Editorial Adviser, The Daily Times Group and, until 1999, Chief Executive, The Post Express. Amuta holds a First Class Honours degree and a Doctorate of Philosophy from the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), where he taught Literature and Communications Strategies for ten years before moving to the University of Port Harcourt.
Beyond the Pomp and Festivities
BY CHIDI AMUTA
(FROM PREVIOUS EDITION)
A quarter of a century down the path of democracy, Nigeria’s steps are still largely those of a toddler rather than the strident steps of a confident adult. Whatever gains democracy has made in this place are hard to acknowledge and tenuous in nature. Indeed, 25 years after the recovery of the country’s democratic heritage from the clutches of the military, the world now counts Nigeria as a democratic state. But many Nigerians will look at better democracies and argue that it is not yet Uhuru here. Of course, there are other Nigerians who would concede that given where we are coming from, some progress is on record.
Yes indeed, the outlines of formal democracy are everywhere now in evidence. Periodic elections have taken place every four years at federal, state and local government levels. All manner and levels of elected officials hold the reins of power and authority at the various levels of government. The pomp and festivity of state are on full display as well, giving the observer the assurance that indeed democracy is alive and well in Nigeria.
The vocabulary of public discourse has also come to feature the terminologies and manners of democratic society. People now insist on ‘constitutional rights’ and ‘due process’. The courts insist on the rule of law as the take off point for judicial interventions in most disputes especially those between the state and individuals and among arms of the state and their institutions. A younger generation of Nigerians that have gone to school in the past two and half decades are however ready to rehash their rights under the law and use this awareness to challenge the agencies of state in their daily dealings with the civil populace.
Twenty-five years of formal democracy is a commendable duration given the history of the country which went through over four decades of sporadic military despotism. This inglorious past has left lasting imprints on the disposition of the populace. People still expect governments to act with ‘immediate effect’, the dispatch of battle commanders. There is still a general intemperance in the attitude of the people to the value of forbearance as an attribute of democratic conduct. People are impatient with authority to bring about desirable goals. In relations between the military and the civil populace, violations of civil democratic rights are often not questioned legally. Civilians get beaten up in public places while persons in uniform tend to see themselves as higher in entitlements than their civilian compatriots. Of course, some progress has been made in relation to earlier years.
Yet in the global headcount of democratic states, Nigeria occupies a prominent position. And for many good reasons too. First, we are too many to be ignored. A nation of over 200 million people that opts for a democratic form of government should at least be acknowledged in a count of democratic states. We come after India in the ranks of populous democracies, slightly behind Brazil. We choose our leaders through a periodic electoral process, imperfect as it often is. The three arms of government are on full display with an implicit separation of powers that, in our case, very often entitles the executive to ride rough shod over the rest.
In addition, Nigerians are noisy by nature, which conveys the impression that we are a robustly free people. We are compellingly aggressive and very competitive which inevitably conveys a high degree of economic freedom on our society. We are diverse and have a permanent tendency to be chaotic and even unruly, which often justifies the recourse of governments to draconian methods. Therefore, governing Nigerians according to the rules of liberal democracy can be a nerve-wracking undertaking that constantly sends rulers back to the drawing board or exposes them to ridicule by a battering public opinion.
In spite of the outlines and appearances of a democratic polity, Nigerian democracy suffers four major setbacks that ought to occupy the attention of statecraft and scholars in the years ahead. Firstly, our democratic institutions do not have resilience and therefore are subject to bend to the whims and caprices of changing leaderships and power merchants. Presidents and governors have often privatized the police, the judiciary and even the apparatus of state bureaucracy to serve purely private ends. These institutions tend to yield to the manipulations of incumbents and, to that extent, fail to serve the wider needs of the nonpartisan populace. We have seen judges rule on the side of incumbents on matters of a political nature. We have seen the police commandeered into domestic chores of people in power or with excess money. A democracy in which the institutions of state are not sufficiently resilient to check the excesses of incumbent executives cannot serve the needs of a constitutional republic committed to equity. In such a state, the institutions exist to serve private needs while the commonwealth becomes an extension of the private fiefdom of politicians and moneyed oligarchs.
Incidentally, of all the institutions of democratic society that ought to undergird democratic conduct, it is perhaps the presence of a fairly free and independent press that has tended to keep democracy on its feet. But Nigerian politicians have in recent times learnt to ignore journalists. As recently as the Tinubu government, there have been police and military abductions and detentions of journalists for no justifiable reasons.
Secondly, because of the frailty of our democratic institutions, elected leaders tend to constitute themselves into laws unto themselves. In the contest between people in power and the institutions of state, we have tended to have a dominance of ‘strong men’ over feeble institutions. Our post -military democratic history has been mostly about strong men, some of whom were former generals, at the expense of institutions. It has been about Obasanjo, Buhari, Jonathan and now Tinubu. The tendency has been to allow the emergence of virtual kings and absolutist monarchs who bend the rules of the constitutional republic to amass powers, privileges and benefits to varying degrees of excess. This is made worse by the repeated emasculation of the legislature through material blackmail and partisan muzzling.
Unchallenged executive excesses have led to pseudo monarchical excesses. We have had presidents with interminable motorcades, where the first family becomes a virtual royal family with its members interfering with the functions of state and appropriating privileges that should ordinarily belong to either elected or duly appointed state officials. The consequent escalation of the cost of governance has led to inexcusable fiscal rascality that shows up annually in the abuse of the budget process. We have seen the allocation of scarce state resources to inessential costs like endless renovations of state residences and offices as well as the purchase and maintenance of fleets of expensive luxury vehicles, yachts and airplanes. Meanwhile schools, hospitals, social welfare programmes and poverty alleviation are starved of funds.
In the consolidation of the monarchical indecencies of the executive presidency, the republican essence of Nigerian presidential democracy is sacrificed. A president that was elected to be a fellow citizen becomes a man above laws, rules and norms. He becomes the law and rises above the common expectations of ordinary folk. Distance between the leader and the people is the greatest enemy of popular democracy. The direct communication between leader and people is replaced by the pompous pronouncements of glorified court minions empowered by the state.
Perhaps the third and most dangerous pitfall of our democracy so far is the failure of the system to invest in growing a culture of democracy among the general populace. A democratic country without a democractized populace is an empty shell. Form must be complemented by content in order to have that equilibrium that truly qualifies a state to be called really democratic. So far in Nigeria, popular awareness of democratic rights and norms tends to be limited to voter education during mostly election seasons. There is no systematic and continuous project for expanding citizen awareness of the major planks and rudiments of democratic behaviour.
The very constitution on which our democracy is anchored is a distant volume which is hardly read and understood by even the highly educated citizens. This contrasts sharply with what obtains in even the advanced democracies where citizen democratic rights are constantly in focus in schools, civil society organizations and daily life events. In such situations, awareness of democratic rights becomes part and parcel of daily living. People know, canvas and stoutly defend their democratic rights at every turn. And when those rights are transgressed, they go to court and expect justice instead of judgments as in most of our own case. Consequently, majority of Nigerians hardly know their rights in a democracy. People merely go out to vote when it is election season and then move on with their lives and wait for the next election season.
The final and perhaps most fatal flaw of Nigeria’s democracy to date is the unfortunate disconnect between the formal structures of democracy on the one hand and the more serious business of national development on the other. The essence of democracy ought to be the right of the people to choose their leaders with the corollary responsibility of those elected to deploy available resources to make the lives of the people livable and also advance the business of national development. The implicit dictum of every democracy is the obligation of those elected to leave the nation better than they met it through conscious policies and programmes. It also implies an obligation to further consolidate the state for it to safeguard the people in perpetuity.
In the Nigerian instance in the last 25 years, we have had the unfortunate scenario that each successive democratic regime seems to leave the nation a bit more degraded than they found it. In this regard, we can identify administrations of both long dark nights as well as those of bright flashes in the last 25 years. We have had an efflorescence of hope, optimism and decisive progress under President Obasanjo’s administration from 1999 to 2007. We have had a brief season of hope and principled administration under the short lived Yar’Adua stint.
Similarly, President Jonathan is mostly remembered for his epic indecisions, his adolescent grade knowledge of national issues and fickle handling of issues of high-level public-sector corruption. When we get to the Buhari administration (2015-2023), we are confronted with an incubus of incompetence, inefficiency and state capture by and on behalf of a section of the polity. Governance became lackadaisical and mostly absent-minded. The apparatus of state was left adrift while an indifferent sovereign went about his personal welfare from long overseas medical vacations to needless junkets to places where Nigeria’s interests were hardly in question. A national economy was run aground as debts piled and the Central Bank printed as much worthless Naira notes as it deemed fit to keep the bubble bouncing.
It would seem that the more Nigeria’s democracy has lasted and expanded, the worse the country’s record on the indices that define a working state have fared. In all of this, Nigeria under successive democratic dispensations in the last 25 years has been sliding back on most development indices. In many respects- insecurity, poor population, high cost of governance, inflation, exchange rate, cost of living, educational regression, healthcare decay etc., Nigerians can hardly find anything to cheer. On many of these indices, Nigeria has become a measure of most things negative.
It does not mean that democracy is antithetical to national development and progress. I suspect that Nigeria’s problem is twofold. The sheer cost of the Washington-type democracy that we have chosen is too high for an economy that is highly undeveloped and consumption oriented. More importantly, it does seem that somehow, Nigerian democracy has yielded an elite that is most interested in the perks of high office and not in the hard work of using public office to develop the nation.
The overall outcome that stares us in the face is therefore a curious situation where the nation may be intact but the state is unraveling right before our eyes. One conclusion seems to tempt us: a bad democracy can degrade the nation and erode the state. When both are imperiled, the citizens become lost for words or speak about the tragedy in different tongues.
BY MARYAM UWAIS, MFR Uwais is a lawyer, the Special Advisor on Social Investments to Muhammadu Buhari from 2015 till 2023. Appointed a member of the advisory group to accelerate progress of the sustainable development goals (SDG) by The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, Uwais is a recipient of National Human Rights Commission Awardee for Outstanding Contributions in the Advancement of the Rights of Women and Children in Nigeria, 2015 and the ‘Public Social Intrapreneur’ award by the Schwab Foundation for Social Entrepreneurship.
Democracy Amid Growing Poverty
BY MARYAM UWAIS, MFR
Despite having the largest economy and population in Africa, Nigeria has the 7th lowest human capital index in the world and is said to be the world’s second-largest poor population, after India. In individual households, the inability to make ends meet exacerbates social, physical, and mental problems, all of which undermine economic growth. These challenges manifest in poverty, unemployment, violence, poor education and public health outcomes, as well as insecurity.
After numerous attempts at poverty reduction, the Federal Government of Nigeria created the National Social Investment Office in November 2015, to promote a more equitable distribution of resources to vulnerable populations. Unfortunately, the efforts of that office have been characterised by turbulence in recent times. Political, constitutional, structural, and administrative challenges have continued to bedevil efforts to reduce poverty. Specific difficulties relate to the poor continuity of programmes; the dearth of data; as well as comprehensive information on actual expenditure on social interventions. Other issues that disrupt the best of intentions and planning include the territorial nature of the various Ministries and Agencies in program implementation, inevitably resulting in siloed outcomes or duplicity; unreliable reporting, insufficient resource allocation; overlapping and skewed donor funding; the lack of effective, inclusive coordinating governance platforms; as well as the dearth of transparent and effective initiatives engaging in research, monitoring and the measurement of progress.
Poverty remains endemic and pervading, irrespective of culture, religion, or political affiliation. Incongruously, social interventions in Nigeria have been characterized by a culture of entrenched partisanship, nepotism, and a sense of entitlement. Despite numerous initiatives targeting the poor, powerful individuals (often parading as politicians) frequently exploit social investment programs for personal political gain, rather than for supporting those in need. Sound political will is now necessary to ensure that only the truly deserving receive government support. The narrative in the Nigerian social space must shift towards insulating poverty reduction from politics. It is time to establish a fresh social contract between the government and its citizens. The powerful must focus on serving all Nigerians, not just their party or vested interests. With poverty affecting 63% of the population (133 million people) according to the 2022 multi-dimensional poverty index, authentic service must remain at the core of all government undertakings.
In Nigeria, Sub-National units (States and LGAs) are constitutionally mandated to provide primary education, primary healthcare, and empowerment to all citizens, including women, youth, children and the aged within their jurisdictions. However, aligning policies and priorities across all States has proved to be a complex and complicated task, leading to varying priorities, thereby hindering progress amongst the States. The FGN should consciously restrict itself to setting targets, coordination, advocacy, and monitoring, as well as analysis & research, without being directly involved in implementation. At best, the FGN should collaborate with and support States and LGAs on social interventions, for sustainable progress in the aspiration to achieve the SDGs within designated timelines.
The unique challenges of each Nigerian State require tailored targets to achieve specific SDG(s). States and LGAs have the competence and capacity that can be harnessed, incentivized, and strategically supported through a specialized Federal team established to focus on coordination, monitoring, and incentivizing compliance around mutually agreed targets, while continuously building capacity at all levels to meet specific needs and the peculiarities of each jurisdiction. Such a team should, however, have a direct reporting line to a compelling Sub-National authority, as well as to the human capital development-related Ministries, to ensure buy-in, continuous engagement with policy and alignment with those saddled with the relevant mandates for execution.
Mention should also be made of the tendency of elected leaders to focus more on the more ‘visible’ outcomes, whereas the intangible is just as important. For example, prioritising the construction of school infrastructure as part of the education budget, without addressing such other important factors as social protection (for the parents), maternal and child health, teacher training, and security concerns can undermine effective learning and full classrooms. These subtle intangible aspects require extensive data collation, continuous training, surveys, and analysis over a minimum of 3 to 4 years as evidence of verifiable performance, making these issues less appealing to politicians who are elected to serve a 4-year term. Interestingly, even private sector entities seem to be more focused on immediate returns on investment, and consequently, longer-term outcomes are often deprioritized, even where essential for wholesome impact. We must depart from the norm of focusing clinically on singular issues, without including other vital, interconnected elements.
It must be emphasised that whether manifest, or not, all inter-related factors must be prioritized and factored into implementation, to achieve the desired goals. A comprehensive strategy that involves all the vital components is key to successfully addressing poverty, not only the palpable evidence of ‘brick and mortar legacies.’ Poverty is multidimensional, requiring a holistic approach that factors in relevant sectors due to the interwoven nature of the underlying issues. Thankfully, Nigeria has adopted the multi-dimensional poverty index for measuring poverty as it has proven to be a more accurate tool for measuring poverty.
To effectively address poverty concerns, dealing with population growth is essential. Effective planning and resource allocation for quality education and healthcare are impossible to achieve with unrestricted numbers. Nigerian politicians often avoid this topic due to political, religious, or cultural sensitivities, but no faith promotes having children beyond the parent’s capacity to provide for and nurture them. Paradoxically, the poor tend to have more children than the well-off, for varying reasons. This critical but sensitive narrative needs to be handled with discretion at the highest levels, and also include our faith-based and community leaders.
The big elephant in the room relates to governance and corruption. Corruption is pervasive at all levels in Nigeria and often undermines poverty-related interventions. While sufficient resource allocation has been a struggle, the mismanagement of funds and the lack of transparency (including claims of ‘ownership’ by the appropriating arm) in government allocations can only result in ineffective execution. Innovative and integrated financing are critical, and the private sector, donors and development partners, philanthropists as well as impact investors should be encouraged to complement budgetary releases, especially because experience has shown that external finance has the effect of securing government resources in any given project, given the additional scrutiny.
Addressing income inequalities requires targeted social investments for marginalized communities, while promoting economic empowerment and social inclusion across all government levels. Vested interests persist in disregarding or belittling the existence of reliable data (instead of interrogating same for updates), just so that they can sustain the subjectivity and influence as the pattern for targeting. Additionally, security challenges like insurgency, communal violence, and crime disrupt social investment activities and hinder progress. Developing painstaking guidelines linked to verifiable data, is a pre-requisite for measuring impact.
For all of these initiatives, technology must be utilized to achieve scale and objectivity in poverty alleviation. Robust feedback and grievance redress mechanisms are essential to ensure continuous improvement across Nigeria’s vast and diverse landscape. Authentic data is essential for measuring poverty reduction efforts, allowing for continuous monitoring and research. Strengthening data collection, analysis and research are an imperative for evidence-based decision-making, accountability and socio-economic growth. Beyond sound databases, technology offers hope in diverse areas, such as through the concerted efforts of social entrepreneurs and Fintechs working assiduously in this space.
Despite strident efforts to improve access to education, healthcare, and livelihood opportunities, too many Nigerians lack quality services due to inadequate facilities, and the shortage of skilled personnel. To address youth employment and underemployment, sustainable livelihood opportunities, mentorship and the promotion of entrepreneurship are crucial. Governments must enhance financial inclusion and literacy, as the provision of financial services to the disadvantaged is the foundation for empowerment. Furthermore, Nigeria’s vulnerability to climate change impact (such as droughts, floods, erosion and desertification) necessitates incorporating climate resilience strategies into social interventions to mitigate risks and enhance community adaptive capacity.
In conclusion, investing in Nigeria’s voiceless populace faces numerous challenges that mirror the country’s broader socio-economic issues. Key obstacles include the politicisation of initiatives and infrastructural deficiencies such as unreliable electricity, poor transportation networks, and inadequate communication systems. The media must commit to amplifying the voice of the poor by engaging them directly, although the messaging must be circumspect due to the cultural sensitivities. The Federal structure presents difficulties in terms of alignment, but this can be overcome through an innovative approach that does not attempt to usurp the mandate of States, LGAs and especially communities, where such interventions should commence from. Poverty reduction interventions must, however, acknowledge and navigate around these imperfections, as we can hardly wait for everything to be in place, before stridently working towards poverty alleviation.
Today, vested interests and a sense of entitlement remain prevalent, disrupting objective implementation through power and influence. Addressing these challenges requires a concerted and collective effort from governments, civil society, the media and the private sector. Strong political will, adequate resources, policy reforms, institutional strengthening, advocacy, close monitoring and enhanced collaboration among stakeholders are essential. We must prioritize comprehensive, efficient, objective, and transparent social interventions, to ensure security and stability in our dear country, Nigeria.
KAYODE KOMOLAFE A journalist with over 30 years’ experience, Komolafe has participated in numerous international conferences in Journalism, labour, democracy and development including the Leadership and Simulation program at J.Mac Robinson College of Business, Georgia State University, Atlanta, Georgia, USA. In 2013 he was inaugurated into the National Human Rights Commission Governing Council. Currently THISDAY Deputy Managing Director, Komolafe holds a first degree from the University of Calabar, Calabar, and a postgraduate certificate from the International Institute of Journalism Berlin, Germany.
Let’s Go Back to Planning
By KAYODE KOMOLAFE
(FROM PREVIOUS EDITION)
Time was in Nigeria when planning was an indispensable part of economic management. That was long before the approval of the World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the rating agencies became the most important source of legitimacy of policies. Even a colonial government put in place after World War II a 10-year development plan from 1946-1956. In the days of the Cold War, planning was regarded as a dirty word by some liberal bourgeois economists. This was because “centralised planning” was a distinguishing feature of the economies of the defunct Soviet bloc. In other words, economic planning was simplistically equated with socialism.
Yet, post-independence Nigeria valiantly put in place National Economic Development Plans. The ideas came from development economists from the universities and research institutions, experts in public finance and, of course, public servants who were devotees of planning and development. They were by no means communists. Those were the days when economic planners were thinking of how many children would be in school five years from the beginning of the plan and how many teachers and what infrastructure would be needed to ensure quality education for those students. If the culture of developments had not been destroyed Nigeria would, perhaps, not be bearing the shame of being the global capital of out-of-school children.
This policy tragedy is one of the most poignant consequences of the curious abandonment of planning as an instrument of socio-economic policy. As a result, random execution of projects (or what a former governor once aptly described as “governance by projects”) became a substitute for rational planning for development. The story of the four national development plans undertaken within the first two decades of independence would remain a matter of interest to future economic historians. They were the First National Development Plan (1962-1968); the Second National Development Plan (1970-1974); Third National Development Plan (1975-1980) and the Fourth National Development Plan (1981-86). They were not just federal government plans. They were plans for the development of Nigeria.
For instance, the objectives of the Second Plan included building a “self-reliant” nation; “a just and egalitarian society;” “full opportunities for all citizens” and fostering a “free and democratic society.” These plans were criticised from radical perspectives as reducing development to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and playing a growth-number game with human progress. The issue of the lack of planning discipline was also raised. The point, however, is that at least there were coherent and measurable plans in place for critics and popular forces to engage in policy discussions.
The arrival of the proponents of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in the policy arena put paid to the idea of the Fifth National Development (1986-1990). Since then, all manners of visions, agendas and strategies of development have been drafted for Nigeria. The sense of political economy which informed the earlier development plans even from a liberal perspective was lacking in the formulated visions of the last 40 years. Lacking was the commitment of those in power to make the dreams a reality. It is a conceptual error to imagine that planning could be discounted in modern economic management.
To be sure, capitalist economies are also planned to varying degrees and in different forms. So, the ideological prejudice against planning, as an essential element of policy, is grossly misplaced. This is more so for an economy that is yearning for development. Fiscal and monetary policies have planning components. These policies often go awry when the planning element is ignored. And that could be a recipe for a crisis.
Economic planning is squarely the job of government. It’s therefore methodologically wrong-headed to place economic planning in the hands of businessmen. Businessmen are competent in corporate planning for profit. That is a different task from that of a government elected to plan the economy for the welfare of the people. The objectives are different. A policy that could serve the public purpose of enhancing people’s welfare may not be profitable in the eyes of a businessman.
However, a welcome departure from the neglect of planning may be on the horizon. The other day the minister of budget and economic planning, Senator Abubakar Atiku Bagudu, was in the economic team that appeared before the senate to explain the administration’s policies. Significantly, Bagudu prefaced his brilliant presentation with a reference to Chapter II of the 1999 Constitution. He quoted Section 16 (2a): “…The State shall direct its policy towards ensuring .. the promotion of a planned and balanced economic development”
That is the path to development.
One of the public servants who was involved in drawing up past development plans was Allison Ayida. He was Head of Service and Secretary to the Federal Government.
Bagudu and his colleagues in the economic management team may find some nuggets in Ayida’s views on economic planning. For instance, Ayida wrote: “In national economic planning, there can be no substitute for inadequate political leadership. Administrative leadership, however competent, cannot rise above the quality of political leadership.” In fact, Ayida’s perspectives on planning are distilled in a book entitled “Allison Akene Ayida: Nigeria’s Quintessential Public Servant.” The book is edited by Professors Femi Kayode and Dafe Otobo.
The 10 principles of planning which Ayida professed are “the collective will of the people to plan and coordinate their resources; competent technical planning apparatus; collation and systematic analysis of statistical data on the economy; effective system of budgetary controls and sanctions that would not only relate expenditure to available resources, but also keep within plan allocations, targets and priorities and effective machinery for rational allocation of foreign exchange resources.” Other principles are “the management and coordination of external aid to reflect development priorities; tailoring research to meet planning requirements; continuous application by adaptation, transplantation or innovation of modern science and technology to economic development; provision of adequate manpower budgeting and continuous training of planners and accessibility to political power.”
It’s time Nigeria revived the governance culture of planning for development.
AISHA SHUAIBU A business consultant with a decade of experience in brand and strategic management, Ms Aisha Shuaibu is Managing Director of Waffle Way in Abuja, and President of SWA Sports, an initiative that is promoting local talents in kickboxing, wrestling, and Taekwondo. Ms Shuaibu obtained her B Sc in Business Studies from the University of Bedfordshire, Luton in the United Kingdom and her Masters in Entrepreneurship and Innovation from Bahcesehir University, Istanbul, Turkey.
25 Years and The Task Ahead
BY AISHA SHUAIBU
As Nigeria commemorates a quarter-century of unbroken democracy, it is essential to reflect on our journey and consider the path ahead. This milestone is particularly significant in the context of the military takeovers in Sudan, Gabon, Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Guinea, highlighting Nigeria’s resilience and commitment to its democratic principles. The stability of our democracy, despite a history of military coups, stand as a testament to our collective dedication to democratic governance.
In contrast to the absence of social media 25 years ago, today’s digital landscape significantly influences democracy. Platforms like Twitter/X, Facebook, Instagram, and TikTok have revolutionized how information is disseminated, enabling real-time communication between the government and the populace. This transformation has made governance more transparent and accountable, as citizens now have a platform to voice their concerns and hold leaders accountable. The #EndSARS movement is a prime example of how social media can galvanize youth and push for political change. The recent debates on the need to ban social media in Nigeria demonstrates the widened generational gap that exists in terms of the perception of the pros and cons of using social media in a stable democratic society.
The increased participation of youth in government at the local and federal level is also a testament to the democratic growth in Nigeria, a development that is still some-what unwelcomed by the older political class. Young people are no longer passive observers but active participants in the political process as voter participation and social movements are actively promoted and advocated for online. This shift is crucial for the future of our democracy, as it ensures that the voices of the younger generation are heard and considered in policymaking. The “Not Too Young to Run” bill, led by the Youth Initiative for Advocacy, Growth and Advancement (YIAGA) and passed in 2018, is a significant milestone that lowered the age limit for running for elective positions, thus encouraging leadership from younger and sharper, more capable, innovative minds.
The quality of life of citizens is often a more critical measure of a country’s success than the mere form of government. In a 2023 Al Jazeera article on democracy in Africa, President Paul Kagame was said to have gained the support of 95.05% of Rwandan voters in his first presidential election in 2003. Despite criticisms of authoritarianism, the quality of life of Rwandans, under Kagame’s leadership has improved significantly as the country has been described as “Africa’s success story”. With an increased life expectancy of its citizens, the Rwandan economy has also prioritised the development of its tourism sector, which makes up 11% of the country’s GDP. This raises important questions about the trade-offs between democratic freedoms and developmental outcomes.
In countries such as Togo, Cote d’Ivoire and Guinea, governments have manipulated their constitutions to extend the tenures of their presidents, which many have criticized as a “constitutional coup” which undermines the principles of democracy. This demonstrates that ‘democratic rule’ does not always constitute ‘good governance’. Similarly, other West African countries, despite being democracies, struggle with issues like poverty, corruption, and inadequate public services. This disparity underscores the need for a government that prioritizes the well-being of its citizens over the ‘appearance’ of democratic values.
Past African leaders have often emphasised the essence of good governance through profound statements. Nelson Mandela once said, “Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.” This quote resonates with Nigeria’s youth, who recognize that quality education is vital for personal and national development. Similarly, Kwame Nkrumah’s assertion that “the independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked with the total liberation of Africa”, highlights the interconnectedness of African nations in their democratic pursuits. Nigeria’s commitment to democracy is further demonstrated by its coupe-free status in recent years, despite a tumultuous history and the recent return of authoritarianism across the Sahelian belt. This stability can be attributed to the strengthening of democratic institutions like the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the judicial system, and the legislature. These bodies must maintain their independence to ensure free and fair elections, uphold the rule of law, and provide checks and balances on the Executive.
Tackling corruption remains paramount as it has remained the root cause of many issues weakening our democracy. Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index consistently ranks Nigeria low, indicating the need for robust anti-corruption measures. Efforts to combat corruption must be comprehensive, involving not just punitive actions but also preventive measures such as public education and institutional reforms.
Several other steps are necessary in tackling our existing issues. First, continuing to support and strengthen the democratic institutions insulating them from political interference to function effectively. Second, expanding civic education to empower citizens in understanding the constitution, their rights and responsibilities. Lastly, leveraging technology and innovation to enhance transparency and accountability in governance to build public trust. Platforms for e-governance should be developed, promoted and maintained to ensure that government actions are visible and open to scrutiny.
Addressing socio-economic inequalities will place us on the road to greater inclusion. Policies that promote equitable access to education, healthcare, and socio-economic opportunities can bridge the gap between the different segments of our society. As Mandela emphasized, “Overcoming poverty is not a gesture of charity. It is an act of justice.” 25 years of democracy should be recognised and celebrated as a significant achievement, especially in a region where democratic backsliding is becoming more common. By embracing the power of social media, fostering youth participation, ensuring the independence of democratic institutions, and tackling corruption, Nigeria can strengthen its foundations. As we look to the future, let us commit to building a democracy that prioritizes the quality of life of its citizens and remains resilient in the face of challenges.
EDDIE IROH, OON A multi-media professional and award-winning novelist, Dr Iroh began his career at the NTA, Enugu but was soon transferred to the headquarters in Lagos as Controller of Features and Documentary. He soon joined The Guardian Newspaper as Managing Editor and later migrated to the United Kingdom as the paper’s Europe and North American Editor. From there he was appointed Director General of Radio Nigeria and served for Six years.
From Execu-Thieves to Judi-Sharing
BY EDDIE IROH, OON
It was not long after the return to ‘civilian’ democracy in 1999 that wags went to work. They named the new rule ‘DEMONCRAZY’. Another group of wags termed it “DEMALLCRAZY’. That of course had nothing to do with the fact that the President in the new dispensation was a retired five-star Army General. In any case, that was something the politicians judged to be a good bridge between the military on one hand and the civilian politicians and the populace on the other.
However, 25 years after the military relinquished power, democracy has been on a very rocky and dangerous path. Fortunately, the recklessness of the political class has not led to yearnings for return to military rule even though there are some who might prefer the devil they know in military fatigues to the one who hides his carnivorous claws behind a civilian robe.
Meanwhile, the problem with Nigerian Democracy can easily be traced back to its foundation–the Constitution. This is a document skewered to benefit some and displease the others. In a country with 250 ‘tribes and tongues’, the Constitutions lamely agreed on the recognition of the Federal Character of the country and the establishment of Federal Character Commission which is for all intents and purposes a toothless bulldog.
The drafters of the constitution appeared to have focused attention on the presidency and thus gave it more power than is appropriate in a true federation. The most attractive of these is presiding over the money collected by the national oil corporation from crude oil sales of which Nigeria is the eighth largest producer in the world. The principle of derivation, which would mean that a state controls what is produced from their backyard with them paying an agreed amount to the centre is not the case thus negating one of core principles of true federalism. Thereby within the federal system exists financial arrangement which has made the quest for the presidency a quinquennially do-or-die affair.
Only once in the 25-year history of the current dispensation has the losing candidate, who was the incumbent president, vowed that he would not go to court because his continuing in office was not worth the death of a single Nigerian! He gracefully bowed out and urged his supporters to keep the peace. Thus, the president-elect who had vowed on behalf of monkeys and gorillas would rise in their thousands to fight for him was left carrying the empty can.
That was the only time in 25 years the presidential election was not decided by the courts that have also become part of the problem. Time was when Nigeria’s supreme court boasted of men of character like Justice Adetokunbo Ademola and Justice Anthony Aniagolu who placed the law above thing else. Alas that era is gone. The wags now regard the judiciary as ‘JUDISHARING’ where the cases are decided before they reach the Bench! No judgement by the judiciary has gone against the Executive, or ‘EXECUTHIEF’, as the wags would name it.
But I explain this with what foreign observer felt about African political rulership in general. He said: “African governments has fallen into the hand of elite politicians who have succeeded the colonial masters and pretty much sucks the life out of the wealth of the countries and about 70 to 80 percent of these lie in banks in the capitals of Western countries.”
In the Legislative arm they did not escape from the tongue lashing of the wags who nicknamed them the ‘LEGISLATHIEVES’. And the Senate President Godswill Akpabio was caught red handed announcing to the whole house on the eve of departure for their Christmas break that the Clerk of the National Assembly has put some ‘little amount’ in their bank accounts to enable them a full enjoyment in the festive season. On his desk as he was speaking were microphones of several radio and television services carrying his announcement to millions of hapless Nigerians who were wondering where the Naira would be found for their next cup of garri!
This brings to my mind a Second Republic cartoon by Owolabi, aka Owoblow. He drew a man who had stepped out of a Lagos bank carrying a sack of money. He was suddenly confronted by an armed robber. The armed thug pointed his gun at the head of the man with the sack of money and snarled “Give me that money or I’ll blow your brains out”! The man with the money looked at the gun and looked at his sack of money and said to the armed man “Listen you can live in this country without brains but not without money. So, if you want to shoot, shoot!”
So, as the inimitable Chief Zebrudaya Okoroigwe Nwogbo of ‘The New Masquerade’ would say, ‘Take your choose’!
NDUBUISI FRANCIS From 1992 when he started his journalism career, Francis has covered health, labour, capital market, energy, and aviation correspondent before becoming Deputy Group Business Editor, Group News Editor and currently, Associate Editor (Business) in the Nation’s Capital. Winner of several awards in journalism, Ndubuisi holds a Bachelor of Arts (BA) degree in Theatre Arts from the University of Lagos, a Diploma in Journalism from the Nigerian Institute of Journalism (NIJ), and a master’s degree in Public Administration from the University of Abuja.
Democracy With Hungry Citizens
BY NDUBUISI FRANCIS
Nothing underscored the stark reality that hunger stalks the land than a valedictory session for Mrs. Zainab Ahmed, the last Minister of Finance under former President Muhammadu Buhari, barely a year ago. Venue was the Congress Hall of the highbrow Transcorp Hotel, Abuja where the high and mighty converged to bid her farewell after about five years overseeing the nation’s treasury. I watched with utter disbelief the scramble for food at an occasion that had in attendance such an assemblage of otherwise more privileged people.
As of the time this happened, food inflation was 24.68 per cent. Fast forward to 2024 when macroeconomic indices, following the reform policies of the current administration, have taken a precipitous slide to the south, further eroding the standard of living of most Nigerians. Food inflation is currently at 40.53 per cent. And what has made the crisis scary is that Nigerians cannot improvise with cheaper alternatives. There is no “poor man’s food” anymore. Garri which once occupied that derogatory status has walked its way to the elite club, rubbing shoulders with food classes that were considered the preserve of the rich and middle class. How did we get here?
The food crisis currently ravaging the land is clearly not the making of the Tinubu administration, although some of its policies exacerbated the situation. The seeming intractable security problem, lack of visionary leadership, misplaced priorities, corruption and laissez-faire approach to governance, among others, combined to make Nigeria one of the top countries with the highest number of hungry citizens.
A nation that has the full potential to be a net exporter of food now harbours millions of hungry and angry citizens who can barely afford a square meal a day. And many of those who can afford to feed are least bothered by the nutritional quality of what they consume.
Nigeria’s hunger situation worsened in 2023, dropping six places in the Global Hunger Index to 109th out of 125 countries, compared to 103rd in 2022. The UN Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) has projected that 26.5 million Nigerians are at the risk of hunger in 2024. Also, according to the recent report by the World Food Programme (WFP), the number of food insecure people in Nigeria was the second highest globally, with 24.8 million inhabitants facing hunger at crisis or worse levels.
Before the present administration came on board, President of the African Development Bank (AfDB), Dr. Akinwumi Adesina had raised the alarm, urging Nigeria to expedite action to avert food crisis in the country. He was exasperated that the country was yet to sign and utilise a $244 million fund for emergency food production approved by the Pan-African bank since July 2022. The fund was part of $1.5 billion African Emergency Food Production Facility launched by the bank to support 20 million farmers to access climate-resilient agricultural technologies and produce 38 million metric tons of food valued at $12 billion, in a bid to help prevent a food crisis arising from the Russian war in Ukraine.
Yet, such an incentive that needed urgent action by purpose-driven leadership was not swiftly grabbed. Now, the food crisis is upon us. How do we come out of it?
BASHIR YUSUF IBRAHIM Fellow of the Nigeria Leadership Initiative (NLI) and a member of the Aspen Global Leadership Network at the Aspen Institute, Ibrahim was a Member of the Justice Nikki Tobi Committee on the 1999 Constitution and served as Special Assistant to the President during the Obasanjo administration. He is currently the CEO of Dirham Group and Director of several private sector companies operating in a variety of sectors.
This Democracy is Not Working
BY BASHIR YUSUF IBRAHIM
There is something ironic, almost out of place, about the idea and the practice of democracy in Africa. After nearly seven decades of trying, it is difficult to identify a single nation on the continent that could be considered a successful model. Elections after elections, African nations have ended up with a considerably declining quality of political leaders who exhibit a criminal poverty of vision and an unusual appetite for destruction. This combination of systemic incongruence and visionless leaders has kept the continent in a prolonged state of political and economic paralysis and its people wondering if democracy is an elaborate system of elite deception.
What passes for democracy in Africa is a mere agglomeration of ruinous political parties, sham elections, weak and corrupt institutions, unaccountable and non-responsive governments, presided over by incompetent and unconscionable individuals. It is only in Africa that holding elections becomes a national emergency, requiring the mobilization of the national army and the temporary cessation of the normal rhythm of life. In much of Africa, elections have become a meaningless ritual, a veritable threat to law and order, often culminating in tragic loss of lives, and the very antithesis of the true will of the people. In the rare cases where elections reflect the will of the people, the beneficiaries have been known to suddenly morph into little beasts and monsters, turn against the people and brazenly commence the plot to stay in power beyond their constitutional limit.
In Nigeria, as in much of Africa, the average citizen relates to democracy only as something that is remote and external, which state institutions and politicians manufacture and hand down to citizens. Like most Africans, the average Nigerian does not see himself as part of the democratic process or as an important actor with rights and obligations, mainly because he does not relate to the idea of a system that does not deliver on his basic needs and general well-being, a system that manages to create higher rates of poverty, inequality, prebendalism as well as a tiny class of super citizens in the midst of progressively falling standards of living. Many would argue these are aberrations and not part of the essential nature of democracy in Africa but such argument would be academic in the face of the realities that manifest in the daily lives of ordinary citizens.
To be sure, Nigeria’s democracy has, over the last 25 years, been hijacked by imposters who promote personal and private interests at the expense of the nation’s viability and its future. These imposters consist of a coterie of party officials, senior public office holders at various levels as well as private and highly placed traditional friends of power who are obsessed with and locked in a ceaseless competition for influence and wealth accumulation. Those keenly observing this phenomenon will recognize it as approximating the classical Hobbesian State of Nature of war of all against all in which life itself becomes “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short” and in which the dramatis parsonae are at once in competition against each other on the one hand and, on the other, united against the legitimate interests of ordinary citizens.
Let us look at some numbers. In 1999 the budget for Nigeria’s general elections was N1.5 billion but by 2023 the overall budget had ballooned to a whopping N355 billion, which the nation is still paying for, one year after the elections. Relying on data and estimates obtained from various sources, the direct cost of general, local council and off-season elections to the central and sub-national governments, political parties and candidates in Nigeria from 1999 and 2023 may well have been in the region of N8 trillion. This does not factor in the indirect costs of virtual cessation of economic activities, thinning out of foreign direct investment, capital flight, pressure on foreign exchange occasioned by the massive acquisition of dollars by politicians during elections, etc. One informed estimate put forward by the respected economist, Mr. Bismarck Rewane of Financial Derivatives Company Ltd, put the direct and indirect costs of the 2023 general elections alone at N6 trillion.
The picture worsens when it comes to the more straightforward issue of cost of governance. Nearly everyone agrees, supported by credible data, that Nigeria’s democracy is the most expensive in the world, not just in terms of the size, function and questionable relevance of its sprawling institutions but also in terms of the quality of service delivery and the massive corruption involved in maintaining those institutions. All that is necessary to substantiate this assertion is to undertake an analysis of the budgets of the three tiers of government, on both the capital and recurrent sides. Given the constraints of space, it suffices to say, on average, 70% of all public expenditure in Nigeria in the last 25 years had been earmarked to fund the cost of governance. For context, the National Assembly alone costs the nation a whopping N3.132 trillion to maintain in the last 25 years, at the average cost of nearly N4 billion for every one of the 816 bills it passed into law over the same period.
Why are these numbers important? The numbers illustrate the uneven cost and benefit of democratic governance in a country with roughly ten million out of school children, 33 % unemployment and average poverty rate of 70% over the last 25 years. To make matters worse, almost all the indices of human development with which the well-being of nations are measured are not showing up for a large majority of Nigerians. A significant number of citizens are living in fear due to spiraling violence and widespread insecurity, with 30 out of the 36 States of the Federation and FCT under one form of internal security operation or another, for as long as we can remember. High cost of living and devaluation of the local currency have continued to pauperize all categories of Nigerians, including the wealthy. The ever-shrinking rank of the nation’s middle class, in particular, never had it so bad.
In place of democracy, Nigeria is operating a revolving door patronage system where politicians, once in power, coalesce and perpetuate themselves and their interests either directly or through cronies. A system which has become hostage to personal and private interests is broken and cannot deliver good governance. The revolving door patronage system which Nigeria’s democracy has become has its roots in Nigeria’s (large and small) political parties. Party officials, public office holders and their private sector proxies have formed an unholy but undeclared alliance to hold Nigeria hostage. For Nigeria to begin to move in the right direction, the grip of these groups and the patronage system they have enthroned must be dismantled. Keeping it in place is not an option because that would mean keeping Nigeria running in a viscous cycle.
One of the ways to dismantle the patronage system is for citizens to organize popular resistance. Unfortunately, the history of most popular uprisings is unpleasant and unenviable. Uprisings tend to be chaotic and they come at enormous cost to life, property and public order. Often, they get hijacked by smart but equally vicious and power-grabbing politicians. Another is to allow the system to correct itself through trial and error until it evolves into the ideal model. However, evolutionary change is too slow, too uncertain and, often, takes a turn in the wrong direction. If the last seven decades have taught us any lesson, it is that democracy lacks the internal mechanism for self-correction, which is probably the reason it is often punctuated by military intervention.
The more realistic and least disruptive path to salvaging Nigeria’s democracy is through organized middle-class intervention. A new crop of conscientious middle-class citizens, driven only by values, enlightened self-interest and patriotism, who do not depend on politics and public office for their sustenance must begin to actively participate in partisan politics in an organized manner. This new crop of organized citizens must set as one of its cardinal objectives, the dismantling of the grip of party officials, political office holders, godfathers and private proxies on Nigerian politics.
Members of this group must seek the leadership of political parties and use the parties as platforms for the recruitment of credible leaders. They must also use their professional and organizational skills to institutionalize the parties and take them away from godfathers. They must contest elections to capture power at both national and sub-national levels, in the executive branch and in the legislature. Finally, this group must address the issue of the lucrative nature and the attractiveness of political office. It is the main reason elections in Nigeria have assumed the character of the Hobbesian State of Nature alluded to earlier in which politicians are so desperate to occupy positions of power by whatever means necessary.
In the meantime, the current wielders of the levers of power and influence, at various levels, have a choice to make before they run out of options. They have the rare, unique and historic opportunity to push the reset button and roll back the massive resentment that is building up the among citizens by embarking on a sincere, deliberate and transparent effort at course correction. Nigeria could be standing on the edge of a dangerous cliff at the moment and it is in the enlightened self-interest of those who have the means to pull it back to do so…
•This is an updated version of a paper with a different title delivered at the Conference on 20 Years of Democracy in Nigeria: 1999 – 2019 at Africa Studies Centre, University of Oxford, United Kingdom on 6th December 2019
AISHA HASSAN BABA, OON A lawyer of over four decades, Ms. Aisha Hassan Baba, OON, has served in very senior and sensitive positions in both federal and state public service, notably as Deputy Director Public Prosecution, Director, Legal Services under the Federal Ministry of Justice, Federal Ministry of Education, Federal Ministry of Industry, Trade & Investment, Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of the Federal Legal Aid Council (now Commission), Executive Secretary, Nigerian Investment Promotion Commission (NIPC), and as the Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice, Anambra State.
Of Suicides and Democracy
BY AISHA HASSAN BABA, OON
An old Latin legal term for suicide “Felo de se” (Felon on himself) paints a grim picture of eternal condemnation! Attitudes to suicide and suicidal behaviors have changed over time and at different times, in different places. In Nigeria, the Suicide Research and Prevention Initiative (SURPIN) which partners with the Association of Psychiatrists in Nigeria (APN), has found that about one-fifth of suicide cases seen at its affiliate institution are those aged 13-19 years of age and that the majority of the callers were aged 20-39 years, and 63.5% of them were having thoughts of suicide at the time of calling. 28.2% were students.
These are grim statistics highlighting the crisis point we have reached in Nigeria. As we commemorate 25 years of uninterrupted civilian governance, and for the purpose of my thoughts on the subject at hand, I will focus on our nation’s social development as it pertains to the promotion of social health in Nigeria. This social challenge is, in recent years, being stimulated by global and national concerns on the burden of mental health and mental illness on the society.
I am a strong proponent that the role of democracy is a foundational determinant of social health and on mental health in particular. Democracy should give every citizen of Nigeria the feelings of social inclusion and support. The repeal of the Lunacy Act 1958 is a starting point. Its provisions did not promote the mental health of Nigerians. The National Mental Health Act 2021 now places human rights protections on the front burner for those suffering from mental health conditions.
The National Suicide Prevention Strategic Framework 2023-2030 and the National Mental Health Policy 2023 provide roadmap for reducing the prevalence of suicide in Nigeria. The new law and policies shine the spotlight on access to mental health care and the rights of people living with mental illness…However, these lofty objectives cannot be attained so long as attempted suicide remains entrenched as a criminal offence in our statute books and resides within the provisions of section 327 of the Criminal code and section 231 of the Penal code. In this regard It is my fervent hope that within the parameter of the declared commitment of the Attorney General of the Federation last April in his support for the implementation of the FMOH laws and policies, there will be a corresponding commitment towards the decriminalization of attempted suicide in Nigeria to achieve the objectives of the Mental Health Act and its policies.
In March 2024, I was invited by Professor Taiwo Lateef Sheik, professor of Psychiatrist/Psychopharmacology, Ahmadu Bello University, to join the “Suicide prevention advocacy working group” platform as an advocate for suicide prevention in Nigeria along with 84 members selected from across different professional disciplines and social hierarchy across the country and the diaspora. In his welcoming statement, Professor Sheik stated: “The purpose of the advocacy platform is to deepen awareness about the scourge of suicide in our society, bring to the fore the futility of making suicide attempt a crime towards addressing the “ suicide crisis” ( especially among the youth) and pursue the decriminalization of attempted suicide in Nigeria” The group experience is reminiscent of my access to justice days as the Director General of the Legal Aid Council of Nigeria.
Up until 60 years ago suicide was a crime in England and Wales and people were persecuted and prosecuted for attempted suicide. Now it would be unthinkable to punish someone for attempting suicide because in 1961, the Suicide Act of the UK parliament decriminalized the act of attempted suicide. What an irony of history! The Lunacy Act of 1958 (as amended by the National Mental Health Act 2021 was the first mental health legislation in Nigeria) was a sad legacy of British colonial administration that foisted criminalization of attempted suicide in Nigeria. Nigeria is at a legislative reform crossroad where significant debate and advocacy, nationally and globally is championing the notion that criminalization of attempted suicide is retrogressive, calling for change in attitude that is no longer regarded as being relevant or is at odds with evidence-based prognosis that mental health assessment and support and not legal deterrent is needed.
In my long sojourn as a government legal practitioner in both state and federal ministries of justice, I do recognize the difficulties government faced and still faces in matters of law reform and repeal in criminal cases, the reform of which is predicated on moral or religious validation. The law is the law if it satisfies the formal requirement of validity though repugnant to the evidence- based assertions of those that advocate for change. Happily, the above personal observation is not in tandem with the current global and national advocacy ambassadors strategies that reflects and emphasizes that the true intentions of the clarion call to decriminalize the offence of attempted suicide, stem from the premise and recognition of the need of government to transfer responsibility for the control of a deviant behavior, from the criminal justice jurisdiction to a medical jurisdiction in the interest of establishing a more effective remedial intervention, prevention and support. In this regard, the engagement, and views of members of our national and state Assemblies, their collective stance on the decriminalization of attempted suicide must be elicited within their legislative competences as set out in the 1999 Constitution (as amended).
Their views are evidently mute!!
BENNETT OGHIFO Trained in news writing by Reuters Foundation at Rhodes University, Grahams Town, South Africa, Bennett Eyituoyo Oghifo holds a bachelor’s degree in English and master’s in public administration from the University of Benin and a Post Graduate Diploma in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos. Oghifo is a fellow of Leadership for Environment and Development, (LEAD International), a global network supported by the Rockefeller Foundation, and a member of Africa Association of Science Journalists.
25 Years of Environmental Governance
BY BENNETT OGHIFO
The critical milestone that has been reached during these 25 years of civil rule is that Nigeria, a major producer of crude oil from which it derives a large chunk of its revenue, has yielded to international pressure to stop the use of its crude oil for economic development, as an initiative designed to lower the earth’s temperature as agreed at the Paris climate change conference. The Paris Agreement, in seeking to strengthen the global response to climate change, reinforced the goal of limiting global temperature increase to well below 2 degrees Celsius, while pursuing efforts to limit the increase to 1.5 degrees Celsius.
Thus, the federal government is vigorously pursuing its plan to transition from the use of fossil fuels to cleaner fuels, intensifying the use of gas as its transition fuel.
Nigeria’s Energy Transition Plan (ETP) was produced in 2021 with the federal government committing to net-zero emission of carbon by 2060.
The energy transition plan could reduce Nigeria’s greenhouse gas emissions by up to 45% by 2030 and up to 90% by 2050, according to the federal government. President Bola Tinubu recently pledged to wean Nigeria from overdependence on petrol and diesel to utilise the more efficient natural gas resources. The president, who commissioned the expansion of the Ashtavinayak Hydrocarbon Limited (AHL) Gas Processing Plant in Kwale, Delta State, the Assa North-Ohaji (ANOH) Gas Processing Plant in Ohaji-Egbema and the 23.3km ANOH to Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben (OB3) Custody Transfer Metering Station Gas Pipeline Projects, said the projects were good for Nigeria’s transition to cleaner and more efficient fuels. He also directed government agencies to buy vehicles powered by Compressed Natural Gas (CNG).
Regardless, environmentalists are gravely concerned that the federal government has neglected other more pressing issues of the environment that directly put the lives of Nigerians at risk. They are worried about these disturbing issues that were carried over from the military era, which the democratic leaders ought to attend to promptly but which, regrettably, they have neglected. It is a broad spectrum that includes dumping of electronic waste all over the country, soot/ash generated by illegal refining of crude oil or incomplete burning of organic matter, burning of seized crude by government officials and uncapping of crude oil well-heads by thieves, with its attendant pollution of freshwater mangroves and rivers in the Niger Delta, as well as coastal erosion in the South-west and the Niger Delta, unchecked gully erosion in the South-east, obliteration of villages and towns in the North by the ever-moving desert sand dunes, among others, are still not addressed effectively.
There is also no active plan to mitigate imminent flooding across the nation. People are only told to seek high ground or are lodged in refugee camps when they are caught in the cross-current, as the only adaptation plan, because politicians like to be seen as doing something for the people. Agencies of the government that should provide early warning to the people are poorly funded and cannot install early warning systems or visit communities to educate people on how to avoid impending flooding.
A report by the United Nations Collaborative Programme on Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation in Developing Countries (UN-REDD+), said Nigeria is rapidly losing its forest cover. This prompted the revered conservationist, Izoma Phillip Asiodu to call on the federal government, recently, to keep a promise it made in the 1980s to return Nigeria “to a situation where 25% of our area is covered by forests.” Izoma Asiodu CFR, who is the President Board of Trustees of the Nigerian Conservation Foundation (NCF), noted that Nigeria’s forest cover “Was 35% plus, at Independence. It is 3% now. Forests have been destroyed and there’s a world campaign, because until we get back to that recommendation of 25% of forest cover, the environment is in danger. Let us not be part of those who destroy the environment.”
Regardless of these woes, Nigeria has come a long way since the advent of democratic rule in 1999. Meanwhile, environmental issues in Nigeria first came to the fore in 1988 when whistleblowers in Italy alerted the federal military government that toxic waste in drums had been dumped in Koko, a coastal town in Delta State. The frenzy that followed that ugly event eventually led to the establishment of the Federal Environment Protection Agency (FEPA), which metamorphosed into the Federal Ministry of Environment at the dawn of democratic rule in 1999. Thereafter, all the states and the Federal Capital Territory set up their own environment ministries.
Some environmentalists do not see this as amounting to much. According to the Director, Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF), Nnimmo Bassey, “after 25 years into civilian rule, the Nigerian environment remains comatose with the Niger Delta earning the dubious reputation of being among the top 10 most polluted regions in the world. The tin and coal mines of Jos and Enugu remain open sores in the land without decommissioning and proper closure.” He said deforestation, desertification, gully and coastal erosion, water pollution and sanitation issues remain huge challenges. While climate change is a major contributor to these challenges, sufficient efforts are not being made to build resilience, ensure mitigation, and enhance adaptation.
The proposed 700km Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, he said, “is one project that will have serious socio-ecological consequences – especially because of its probable lack of environmental impact assessment with inputs by communities and relevant stakeholders.”
The poor consideration for communities is also highlighted by the Petroleum Industry Act of 2021 that criminalises host communities by holding them responsible for third party interferences on oil facilities. Further, the unwillingness of the government to prevent divestment of international oil companies from onshore oil fields without their taking full responsibility for almost 70 years of egregious ecological devastation of the Niger Delta is a serious concern that portends intergenerational harms.
A conservationist, Paddy Ezeala bemoaned the loss of about 94 per cent to 95 per cent of its original forest cover- only 3% to 4% left at the time democratic governance began, stating that illegal logging is going on unchecked. Ezeala said the desert has been encroaching at the speed of 0.6 kilometres every year into the country. “The current speed is not known for lack of data, but it can be gleaned from the silting of Lake Chad. What was the size of the lake before democracy and what is the size now? Democracy has not put us where we ought to be.”
However, he said it is not all gloom, as Nigeria has been able to put up respectable representation at the international level. The government has been able to domesticate all the agreements and take environmental conferences seriously. There is even a Presidential Committee on Climate Change, another Presidential Committee on Energy Transition. We have a leadership now that understands the international dynamics.”
At home, the government can do well to enforce environmental laws and regulations to stem illegal wildlife trade and prevent the use of the nation as a hub in this illicit trade.
ANGELA GBEMISOLA ATTAH An economist and strategy consultant with over two decades of practice, Attah is CEO of the Sandust Tincan Water Project, a pivotal public-private partnership aimed at overhauling the water treatment infrastructure at the Lagos ports. She is also chairman of the boards of Simplified Credit Ltd and Royal Family Academy and a Partner at AGPartnerships where she drives strategic growth and innovation.
Reclaiming Nigeria, Bridging the Perception Gap
BY ANGELA GBEMISOLA ATTAH
Nigeria, a land of striking contrasts, where nature’s gifts intertwine with a vibrant cultural tapestry. From your Wikki warm springs to the breathtaking majestic Obudu Mountain Resort, from the ancient caves of Idanre Hill to the cozy interconnected chambers of the Ogbunike caves, this nation’s beauty knows no bounds. Home to over 200 million people, stretching from the Gulf of Guinea to the arid Sahel. With more than 500 different languages spoken and a shared rich cultural heritage.
Nigeria, of all the beauty and splendor that you exude, when I say I am yours, people cringe. When I declare, “I am Nigerian,” misconceptions abound. I grapple with stereotypes – seen as late, loud, aggressive, subpar, an illegal migrant, a fraudster, poor, uneducated and I appear to practice loud empty religion, which bears no fruit. But beneath these superficial labels lies a resilient spirit, a legacy of acclaimed authors, Nobel laureates, Afrobeat stars, sports protégés, leading specialists, hardworking, diligent, intelligent, and dedicated economic contributors. How did our identity become so tarnished? What can we do to recast the narrative?
The African proverb “it takes a village to raise a child” underscores the collective responsibility and communal care necessary for proper upbringing. Within this proverbial “village,” which includes family, neighbors, and friends, everyone plays a role in shaping children’s behaviors, attitudes, and choices. Shared values bind the community together, fostering a sense of mutual responsibility. At the heart of this model lies the assumption that everyone genuinely cares about the child’s well-being and is aligned on what is right, acceptable, and decent. It also presupposes a shared understanding of what is wrong. Elders, as custodians of wisdom, deserve respect. The youth are encouraged to greet them, absorb their insight, and learn from their experiences.
However, our streets today reveal a stark contrast. Instances of fraud, glorification of indecency and the pursuit of ill-gotten wealth are rife. It seems our values, history, self-worth, and national pride have not transcended generations. The village that once raised children now finds itself fragmented. However, it is imperative that the village reunites to ensure that moral standards are realigned and maintained. What is inherently wrong remains so; thus, we must collectively advocate for truth, fairness, integrity, decency, accountability, diligence, respect, and adherence to the law. Our foremost priority should be the preservation and promotion of these values. Let us reclaim our role as a village that nurtures resilient, compassionate, and morally grounded children.
What more led to the erosion of values? Perhaps it’s the false narrative that foreign ideals are superior. Or maybe it’s our failure to document and share our own history. As examples, what do we know about the Great Wall of Benin, a monumental feat of engineering, which is recorded as the second-largest man-made structure by length and was built between 800AD and 1460AD in what is now Edo State? Or what is recorded and taught of the superiority of the indigenous technology of production within the leather industry in Kano in the 19th century and its significance to trans-Saharan trade? To preserve our values, we must learn about our history, tell our unique stories, sing our soulful songs, and embrace our exceptional heritage.
Our heritage will thrive when we support local initiatives, celebrate our achievements, and patronize homegrown products. It expands when we develop a taste for locally produced items and actively promote local manufacturing, no matter what their scale is. Producing, wearing, and promoting traditional textiles like adire and aso-oke, exploring our native landscapes and investing in the preservation of local historical sites are additional ways of fortifying our cultural identity. For instance, Kenya’s growth is significantly attributed to its domestic coffee and tea industries, and the populace’s recognition and patronage of these homegrown commodities. Let us adopt a culture of “Buy Local.”
During my childhood, linguistic diversity was a given; my friends and I effortlessly switched between languages. I spoke Yoruba – my mother tongue, Hausa – the language of my birthplace and first nanny, and English – the language of my education. I even dabbled in a few other languages, acquiring a functional grasp. My father, too, is multilingual: he speaks Hausa – the language of his birthplace, Yoruba – his mother tongue, Igbo – the language of the Owerri neighbors with whom he grew up, English – the language of his education and French. However, times have changed.
Today, my children primarily speak English, and our common excuse is that their father and I do not share the same language. Yet, when I reflect on my own childhood, I realize that children from mixed backgrounds had the privilege of speaking even more languages. Speaking various languages improves cross-cultural understanding, broadens our perspectives, and increases our adaptability. It is through indigenous languages that we transmit cultural values and fully exercise our rights and human dignity. Therefore, teaching our children local languages is not just about linguistic proficiency but also about restoring the dignity and the integrity of our heritage.
In our interconnected world, where globalization blurs borders, distinct patterns of our local cultures remain pivotal. These unique strands not only shape our perceptions but also impact on our shared future. Considering our present circumstances, prioritizing national re-orientation becomes imperative, and it must extend across the entire nation. We cannot rely solely on institutions like the National Orientation Agency, which has made limited progress in reshaping our mindset. Instead, we must take ownership of our identity. Loving ourselves and embracing with pride, our heritage are essential steps. The biblical injunction to “love your neighbor as yourself” presupposes self-love as a foundation. Our perceptions of fellow citizens need improvement. Rather than favoring foreigners, we must extend the hand of opportunity to our brethren.
As a collective, we should uphold excellence as our benchmark, seizing opportunities when they arise and giving our best effort. The seeds of re-orientation are sown at home, nurtured by the conversations we engage in, the standards we esteem, the rules we set, and the examples we provide for our young ones. Our places of worship, too, play a vital role. Let us preach holiness, purity, kindness, gentleness, and love, rather than fixating on material wealth and personal breakthroughs. In our schools, values should prevail over pressure. We must stand firm against unruly behavior and undue influence, whether from students or parents. And finally, the Government must provide an enabling, secure, and safe environment for local industries to grow. It must promote and patronize indigenous products with the “Buy Local” mantra. Together, through deliberate re-orientation, we can reclaim our national values and forge a brighter future.
While Nigeria, like any other nation, has its share of unscrupulous individuals, we must not allow them to define our collective identity. After all, which country is completely free from imperfections? Our narrative should not be confined to our challenges but should highlight our strengths, creativity, and potential. By focusing on virtues, we can reshape perceptions both within and outside our borders. The journey toward positive change may be steep, but it is a path we can tread together. Let our actions, innovations, and shared commitment to excellence positively recast the global narrative of Nigerians.
SONNIE EKWOWUSI A legal practitioner, writer with an LLM in maritime & commercial law from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Ekwowusi has been in active legal practice in Enugu and Lagos. He also holds an LL.M degree in maritime and commercial laws. In 2010, he won the “Global Leadership Award” jointly awarded by the Leadership Institute, Arlington, Virginia, United States of America; the Bow Group and the Howard Center.
Moving Away from Kakistocracy
BY SONNIE EKWOWUSI
It is sad that Nigerian democracy has been churning out undisciplined rabble and entrusting them with the sacred duty of governing the affairs of their fellow men and women. Whether we admit it or not, Kakistocracy (government by the least suitable or incompetent citizens) has triumphed in the land. This tragedy cannot lead to human flourishing. Until we reinvent Nigerian democracy or refashion it to suit our peculiar circumstances, we are simply wasting our time by creating opportunities for those who would steal political power and wreak havoc on the country.
If Nigerian democracy must yield the so-called democratic dividend, then it must have a national character that establishes the parameters and moral high ground on which it should operate to promote the well-being of the people. Devoid of character, politics and political activities in Nigeria, in the words of Frederic Bastiat, the French political economist and philosopher, are legalized plunder.
In all democracies, especially in presidential democracies, sovereignty resides with the people. At periodic elections and through other intervening periods, the people determine who should govern them and how they should be governed. Unfortunately, in Nigerian democracy, the reverse is the case: the people are at the receiving end, and mostly unfit leaders determine how they should be governed. Worse still, the people’s votes do not always count at periodic elections.
Democracy rests on many assumptions. One of those assumptions is that men have enough wisdom and virtue to pursue the promotion of the welfare of the people. However, viewed against the backdrop of history, men often lack the necessary wisdom and virtue to achieve this goal. Democracy is challenged from within by sheer ignorance and the pursuit of personal interests at the expense of the common good and welfare of the people.
Plato, in particular, was hostile to democracy because he feared that such powers and institutions would be imperiled under the watch of men with unruly passions and appetites. In his often-cited classic work, ‘Democracy in America’, French political scientist, historian, and diplomat. Alexis de Tocqueville writes that democracy bereft of equality of conditions is bound to gravitate towards despotism. To these thinkers, democracy is not synonymous with instant political and economic prosperity. That democracy liberates all men assumes that there are political leaders with high moral principles ready to navigate democracy to a safe harbor. Unfortunately, most democracies, including the Nigerian democracy, are not run by men with high ethical principles.
If Nigerian democracy is to yield democratic dividends, those communally binding ideals must hold sway. Alexis de Tocqueville once stated that a country cannot escape destruction if the moral tie is not strengthened in proportion to the political tie. Simply put, if we want to strengthen our democracy in Nigeria, we must first strengthen the moral tie because the latter gives rise to the former. In her essay, ‘A Disposition of Delight,’ Elizabeth Covey, an assistant professor of political science in the Honors College at Baylor University, writes that when the religious and social traditions of society wither, we are left “with nothing but a dry and gritty residue.”
We should understand that the political enterprise is not an end in itself; it is a process to render service to the people and promote the common good. The separation of culture from politics or public life in Nigeria has led to a palpable moral bankruptcy that has been hindering progress over the years. We say we are a democratic society, yet we have been steadily excluding from our policies those cherished values that make democracy thrive and lead to human flourishing. Gradually, we are building a country of people who may be materially rich but who are culturally very poor.
Totalitarianism is present in constitutional democracy as much as it is in military despotism. Simply put, constitutional democracy is not a guarantee of freedom. If constitutional democracy must lead to true human development and human flourishing, it must transcend political experimentation. In his book, ‘The Moral Mandate for Freedom,’ Prof. Rocco Buttiglione shares the views of Plato, Cicero, James Madison, and Alexis de Tocqueville, who argue that democracy not led by highly principled political leaders is bound to collapse.
No democracy in which wrongs and social injustices are intentionally committed and perpetuated can save a country. No democracy in which the political leaders intentionally commit wrongs against the country can save it. If you take away freedom and justice, all that remains in a country are open robberies. Therefore, we must work out our democracy in Nigeria. The surest way to be ruined by democracy is to take it for granted. We can no longer take our democracy for granted; we must envision a democracy that guarantees freedom. If there are no liberating principles to guide political activity, then political ideas and convictions can easily be manipulated or corrupted for reasons of power.
MONDAY PHILIP EKPE Currently an adjunct lecturer at the University of Abuja, Ekpe was at various times editorial page editor, features editor and general editor at THISDAY. A brilliant writer with special interest in human stories, Ekpe obtained his first degree in English and Literature from the University of Benin and a master’s in Communication and Language Arts from the University of Ibadan where he completed his Ph. D in 2015.
Reviving a Wearied Citizenry
BY MONDAY PHILIPS EKPE
No formal surveys are needed to determine how disillusioned many Nigerians have become with the affairs of their country. There is hardly any sector that is protected from the forces of retrogression, retardation or defeat. Very religion-conscious, most Nigerian citizens are quick to saddle God with the same challenges that he has already given them the abilities to solve. Elections, for instance. The persons and organisations involved in their prosecution, though aware of the centrality of polls to democracy, often fail to demonstrate commensurate commitment before, during and after the exercises. The populace also sometimes undermines them through compromises that can only yield fleeting satisfaction.
The result of this socio-political disequilibrium is a situation in which the blames for the nation’s current gross underperformance are multidimensional. It’s been a chequered journey into the present quagmire. By the time soldiers returned to their barracks in 1999 after many years of their self-appointed rescue mission in the nation’s political life, most Nigerians felt a huge relief. They had witnessed a catalogue of recklessness on virtually all fronts.
The tortuous trip from the first coup in 1966 to the day General Abdulsalami Abubakar handed power over to President Olusegun Obasanjo in Abuja was a bag of mixed fortunes at various levels. That the military fought to keep Nigeria together, at least physically, during the civil war was, arguably, one of its most outstanding achievements.
But, apart from the systemic disruptions, high-handedness and brutality that characterised the incursions into politics, the successive change of baton at the seat of government and the serially broken promises made discontentment among the people inevitable. The dawn of democracy in the Fourth Republic was, therefore, naturally received with great expectations. Nigerians had hoped that their political leaders, having tasted the aberrations of the previous era, would have learnt enough lessons that could reposition them for a more purpose-driven leadership.
The fact that Obasanjo, a retired general and former head of state, was the first on the driver’s seat at the commencement of the present dispensation appeared to have set the right tone, serving as a bridge between the old khaki and new civilian periods. Even with its own flaws, that administration didn’t disappoint in setting the pace. One of its major accomplishments was the drastic reduction of the nation’s heavy external debt profile which freed up some capital for redeployment to critical areas of development. The management of that opportunity may not have been optimal but it is to the shame of the political class, the pain of citizens and the bewilderment of lovers of Nigeria everywhere that no government since 2007 can confidently boast of being better than Obasanjo’s.
Sadly, the inexorable slide in the country’s corporate achievements without visible signs of going north soon is beginning to take the form of a jinx. And the corresponding dwindling of the citizens’ capacity and readiness to believe in their own country’s recovery has continued with no meaningful indications that the leaders truly care about this despondent atmosphere. The quest to seek salvation elsewhere has also taken hold of many Nigerians, more than any other moment in the nation’s history.
It’s difficult to comprehend how people are coping with the numerous troubles which undermine all known variables that safeguard their wellbeing. Unfortunately, even in the face of these stark realities, the twin monsters of poverty and hunger have seriously weakened the capability of Nigerians to protest. The position is that pathetic. Out there are lamentations against clueless and greedy leaders but there’s also another argument that the led are equally guilty. Political office holders are constantly under pressure from their constituents to meet subsistent and other needs. It’s the chicken and egg debate, actually.
In the midst of this predicament, Nigerians should listen to the admonitions of thinkers like George Bernard Shaw, a foremost Irish writer, critic and political activist, who once declared: “I am of the opinion that my life belongs to the whole community and as long as I live it is my privilege to do for it whatever I can. I want to be thoroughly used up when I die…. It’s a sort of splendid torch which I’ve got to hold up for the moment, and I want to make it burn as brightly as possible before handing it on to future generations.” That resolve wasn’t grounded in his sensuous self but a part of him which yearned for the sort of immortality only made possible by elevated legacies.
Shaw’s choice – to exist principally for the common good and play that role as if his very life depended on it – won’t be an easy act to follow in an environment that is increasingly being defined by the paradox of lack in the midst of plenty and the deliberate flaunting of ill-gotten wealth by a privileged few. But it points to the sublime practice of first looking inwards in search of solutions to general difficulties.
Albert Schweitzer, 1952 Nobel Peace Prize winner, corroborated this stance. According to him, “it is not enough to merely exist…. Seek always to do some good, somewhere…. You must give some time to your fellow man. Even if it’s a little thing, do something for those who have need of a man’s help, something for which you get no pay but the privilege of doing it. For, remember, you don’t live in a world all your own.” A clear counsel to break free from self-indulgence in the pursuit of public goals.
True, the trust deficit between government and citizens has widened substantially. And the words – change and hope – that should ordinarily endear democratic governance to the people have lost their meanings largely due to the glaring insincerity of politicians. Deliberate introspection as a tool for re-igniting inner survival and communal energies has, therefore, become a national imperative. Succumbing to the skepticism and despair that walk our streets isn’t a viable option.
IYOBOSA UWUGIAREN With over three decades of journalism practice, Iyobosa Uwugiaren holds a Ph.D. in Journalism/Media Studies. He currently the Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE) General Secretary and the Editor, Nation’s Capital, THISDAY Newspapers Group.
The Challenge of National Integration
BY IYOBOSA UWUGIAREN
Twenty-five years after Nigeria returned to civilian government, issues of ethno-religious/political conflict, national integration, and the best possible way to fix them, remain a burning conversation in our country. For President Bola Tinubu, who promised during his campaign to address the challenges, his policies and programmes don’t seem to be addressing the issues. Indeed, for many political observers, his unfolding policies, especially in the areas of allocation of resources and appointment in key positions, are a sharp departure from what he promised Nigerians a year ago.
While some diverse countries of the world with similar challenges are seen to have taken advantage of their diversity, that has not been the case in Nigeria. And despite different actions that have been adopted and implemented to foster national unity among different ethnic groups, primitive sentiments have continued to pervade the political system, festering like a ‘malignant tumor’ with related projections.
For sure, since the First Republic ethnic politics has continued to be one of the contentious issues affecting national integration in the country. With an ethnicity as a compelling tool for mobilizing access to power and resources in Nigeria, it has not only affected nation-building, but has also constituted security and governance challenges – threatening national integration. These ethnic differences – as prominent tools for political mobilization since the return of democracy in 1999, became very clear in the 2023 general election. Each of the three major ethnic groups had a presidential candidate and this swiftly divided the nation into ethnic empathies.
Expectedly, religion also played a noticeable role in the election. The APC ran on Muslim/Muslim ticket – both the president and the running-mate, which went against the tradition of running a Muslim and a Christian on the same ticket to attract voters from across the spectrum. The candidates campaigned directly in churches and mosques to encourage voting on religious grounds. And managing the outcome – after the election, was expected to pose a serious challenge, and this is what Tinubu promised to deal with during his inaugural speech.
However, a year into his four-year tenure, many political observers have started knocking Tinubu – like his predecessor, for favouritism in the distribution of opportunities. And as usual, the issue of marginalization has become a major conversation in the land. The question, again, is: Why should diversity in culture in Nigeria been a breeding ground for the country’s misfortune, which is in turn dragging the country backwards. A country of over 500 ethnic groups and estimated population of 250 million people, these problems, which emanated because of ethnicity, are negatively affecting the political, economic, social, and cultural growth of the country.
Check it out: In the last two decades, the penetrating communal and religious conflicts in the country have led to the formation of several militia groups, like the Bakassi Boys, Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASOP), Odua People’s Congress (OPC), Egbesu Boys, IPOB, Boko Haram and others. This has largely impacted negatively on our economy and national security.
Although many might argue that Nigeria as “a multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-cultural state cannot be devoid of conflict” – an inevitable friction in every society, but while other countries with similar challenges are making progress in dealing with their issues, it has continued to constitute one of the greatest challenges to human relations and development in Nigeria.
From the look of things, the country’s landscape will require thoughtful efforts to strengthen a greater level of national unity by President Tinubu. And if the government is going to stimulate the country to collectively pursue development, it must start by being fair to all the diversities. While there were past efforts to address the issues, politicians have continued to be a major obstacle. A situation where sharing of resources and appointment to key national offices is based on religion/ethnic considerations, will not help the situation.
President Tinubu must deviate from the past and start promoting inclusive citizenship by fostering a sense of belonging among all citizens, regardless of ethnicity, religion, or political affiliations. The President must start developing a shared national vision, values and symbols that unite citizens, and facilitate open discussion and listening among various groups to address grievances and build trust. The time to address social and economic disparities – implementing policies to reduce inequality and promote equal opportunities is now. Because when there is lack of national integration, it can hinder economic development, investment, and growth. A divided society may create fertile ground for extremist ideologies and groups, just like we currently have today. And weak national integration can lead to erosion of trust, empathy, and social bonds among citizens.
Like many people have observed, “unity has not completely failed” in Nigeria. There are many ways Nigerians from all tribes, religious groups, geographies, ages, and gender have united – independently of direct government intervention. Indeed, many Southerners have moved to the north such that southerners are now major businessmen and women in Kano, Kaduna, Borno states and other part of the north. In turn, many northerners now live and work in the south, making huge progress in trade and commerce.
These may be clear signs of unity: that people from the North and the South can grow to trust another on issues important to their lives and livelihoods. This is an important factor that the Tinubu–led government must build upon, in a sharp departure from the past. And he can’t afford to fail Nigeria. If there are men and women in his team who don’t share his sense of nation build, the president should relieve them of their jobs now. A divided nation may be more susceptible to external interference and exploitation. So, by addressing national integration question, a nation can mitigate this danger and build a more united, prosperous, and resilient society.
PAUL NWABUIKWU A pioneer THISDAY Editorial Board member, Paul Nwabuikwu, who has also served on The Guardian’s Editorial Board, is a respected public intellectual with decades of experience in journalism, advertising, and public communication. A winner of the DAME Awards for Informed Commentary, Nwabuikwu served twice as Special Adviser to former Finance Minister and current DG, World Trade Organisation (WTO), Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala. Nwabuikwu holds a first degree in Mass Communication from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka and MBA from the University of Jos.
History, Economics and Stevie Wonder
BY PAUL NWABUIKWU
Last week, global music icon Stevie Wonder became a Ghanaian citizen. The multi-Grammy-winning singer, born Steveland Morris, celebrated this milestone with heartfelt exuberance and joy. In a video shared on social media, the blind genius beamed as he danced and played the drum amidst a joyous crowd while a troupe of his new compatriots danced energetically around him. Considering the brutal history of the Slave Trade, which forever separated Wonder’s ancestors from their native communities, the event was tinged with both unspeakable tragedy and a defiant, triumphant joy.
Mr. Wonder is, of course, not the first son of Africa to return, centuries after that infernal journey across the Middle Passage. For generations, African Americans have seen the pilgrimage to Africa as a rite of passage. Some, like Wonder, have taken it further by becoming official citizens of their chosen African countries. The reasons are obvious: Ghana’s status as a Pan-African hub, the enduring legacy of Kwame Nkrumah, and the country’s robust policies have made it a favorite among African descendants worldwide.
However, not all descendants are created equal. Wonder’s profile as one of the world’s most accomplished musicians, with 25 Grammy Awards—the highest for a male artist—sets him apart. He is one of those rare artists who bridged the gap between critical acclaim and mass popularity, including winning three Albums of the Year at the Grammys within four years during the 1970s.
So, it is no surprise that his “homecoming” has become another PR coup for Ghana’s PanAfricanist tourism. He is part of a larger trend, with an estimated five thousand African Americans and four thousand Jamaicans having settled in Ghana over the past few decades. This wave was paved by notable figures like Martin Luther King, George Padmore, Malcolm X, Muhammad Ali, Maya Angelou, and other famous Americans of color who visited Ghana during the exciting period following its independence in 1957. W.E.B. Du Bois, the famous scholar and activist, first African American to earn a Harvard PhD in 1895 did not just pay a pilgrimage and felicitate with Nkrumah. He stayed back. Stokely Carmichael, a founder of the revolutionary Black Panther Party, moved to Ghana and then Guinea in the late sixties, eventually changing his name to Kwame Ture in honor of his heroes—Nkrumah and Sekou Touré, the first president of Guinea. Rita Marley, a celebrated musician and wife of Bob Marley, is another celebrity who relocated to Ghana. She has been a Ghanaian citizen since 2013 and has lived in the country for over twenty years. Her foundation provides scholarships and meals to indigent schoolchildren and builds and refurbishes school buildings in impoverished areas.
Notably, South Africa currently hosts about three thousand African Americans, while Ethiopia is home to between six hundred and eight hundred African American residents.
Stevie Wonder’s decision at 74 to journey to Africa and become a citizen of a neighboring West African country is an inspirational tale of history, blood, suffering, resilience, and ultimate triumph. It is also a reminder to those of us who can easily trace our lineage that millions of our kinsmen were denied this privilege under horrific circumstances. We have a responsibility to remember, honor, and support their descendants who have embarked on the journey home—moving in the opposite direction from the Middle Passage.
It is also a reminder that Nigeria, the largest collection of Black people on the planet and possibly the territory which lost the most people to slavery, a nation located just over a thousand kilometers away from Ghana, is missing in action. This excerpt from “Religion and Public Life”, a publication by Harvard Divinity School captures the central role that the territory known today as Nigeria played in the Transatlantic Slave Trade: “The Transatlantic Slave Trade began in the late 15th century in Nigeria. By 1471, Portuguese navigators hoping to tap the fabled Saharan gold trade had reconnoitered the West African coast as far as the Niger Delta, and traded European commodities for local crafts as well as slaves, the latter which turned out to be highly lucrative. In the early stages, Europeans captured Nigerians in raids on coastal communities, but as the demand grew, they relied on slaves to be supplied by local rulers, traders, and the military aristocracy, providing these agents with rum, guns, horses, industrial products, and fine muslin cloth.
“By 1490, more than 3,000 slaves a year were transported to Portugal and Spain from Africa. With the European expansion and colonization of the West Indies and America, what was a small market in ivory, gold, and slaves transformed into a massive, global trade. From the last third of the 16th century to the early 19th centuries, Portuguese, then Dutch, then French and English merchants greedily expanded the African slave trade internationally. Enormous profits were made, mostly by Europeans, but a small number of Africans also benefited economically, mostly along the southwestern coast of Nigeria…”
The numbers are telling. According to the publication, which quotes scholars Toyin Falola, Saheed Aderinto, and others, over 3.5 million slaves were forcibly taken from Nigeria during the slave trade, with many ending up in South America and the Caribbean.
While history acknowledges Nigeria’s significant role in the societies impacted by the slave trade, there is little evidence of that primacy today. Instead, Ghana stands as the beacon for the Black diaspora, the destination they look up to. South Africa and Ethiopia are also prominent on the diaspora radar. However, neither public policy nor economic imperatives have driven Nigeria to engage seriously with Black America and the Caribbean in a structured manner with clear strategies and defined goals.
The secret of Ghana’s success and by extension Nigeria’s dismal failure is not difficult to track. Ghana is reaping the benefits of its efforts, while Nigeria remains a footnote due to its lack of action. Stevie Wonder’s journey home was not only a personal discovery but also a response to Ghana’s longstanding, structured campaign to attract African Americans and other Black descendants worldwide. The peak of this campaign was the highly successful “Year of Return,” organized to commemorate 400 years of slavery in the Americas, with the first slaves arriving in Jamestown, Virginia, in late August 1619. Beyond the historical and cultural dimensions, the campaign had a practical objective: encouraging Africans from the diaspora to come home, settle, and invest.
According to figures from the Ghana Tourism Agency, the country spent $3.5 million on Year of Return activities, attracted 760,000 visitors in 2019 (129 of whom were granted citizenship), and generated nearly $2 billion in revenue by the end of that year.
It’s clear why Nigeria was not an option for Stevie Wonder and thousands of other Black descendants before him. They have no welcome mat into the world’s largest Black nation. The question is: going forward, how can Nigeria do better? Hopefully, the country’s policymakers in tourism and related sectors are addressing this issue. It’s a matter of blood, history – and economics.
OKEY IKECHUKWU With three decades of hands-on experience in the university system, the media and government at the highest levels, Ikechukwu, mni, is the Executive Director of Development Specs Academy, an internationally certified management consultancy and training partner of several institutions and organizations. Ikechukwu was, at various times, Lecturer at the University of Lagos, Acting Editorial Page Editor, and acting chairman of the editorial board of The Guardian Newspapers. He holds a doctorate degree in philosophy from the University of Lagos.
Flip Flopping, But Moving Forward
BY OKEY IKECHUKWU
Many sceptics had their doubts about the sincerity of the military when the regime announced a transition to civil rule programme in 1999. Even more sceptics looked on with misgivings when details of the process that would lead to the “threatened” hand over to a democratically elected government were rolled out. 25 years later, out democracy has seen all manner of highs and lows. But we are making progress all the same.
Our progress is coming through bitter, mind boggling, morally disorienting and psychologically devastating lessons. The lessons are apparently unscripted, and the teachers are teaching away without Lesson Notes and conventional teaching certificates. And they are exacting and merciless – these teachers. The names of the teachers include the following: (1) Dishonest politicians, (2) Broken promises, (3) The consequences of citizen gullibility, (4) The results of supporting the wrong candidates, (5) The progressive denudation of the capacities of our national defense and security forces, and (6) The increasing inability of the ruling elite to protect itself from its own depredations.
President Olusegun Obasanjo, coming in as the first to hoist the flag of democratic rule after the military, was a quasi-military-civilian president. He did his best to craft good policies and establish institutions that would aid good governance. He was also very attentive to best global practices in many ways. He tried to assemble, and work with, a team of competent persons and listened to good counsel on many important issues.
It was the Third Term Project, real or imagined, that became his undoing in many ways. But since the jury is still out on that alleged gambit and given the trajectory of the Yar’Adua government immediately after Obasanjo, it is perhaps best to leave the matter here for now and look more closely at the further fallouts of the historical events of our nationhood, going much further back; beyond Obasanjo and those who handed over to him. So, let us properly situate Nigeria’s current profile and the trajectory of its democratic enterprise guided by a deep sense of history.
Presidents Goodluck Jonathan and Muhammadu Buhari, for instance, were the circumstantial by-products of a system of elite myopia that had been prevailed in the land for over 50 years now. They were not entirely responsible for the problems they inherited. They were not entirely responsible for their approach to the problems they tried to solve. They were also not entirely responsible for all the wrong things that happened under them.
Their parties, the PDP the APC, were, again, not entirely responsible for everything wrong with Nigeria today. Without denying the shortcoming of all the political leaders and their parties, we must look much more closely at the basic conceptual framework with which the political elite approaches leadership and leadership positions, in order to see very clearly how the entrenched dysfunctionalities of our benighted nationhood has thrust upon us generations of leaders and followers who do not know how to really lead, or how to really follow.
The Nigerian State was taken hostage long ago. For over 50 years now, many powerful individuals and groups have succeeded in pushing personal and limited group interests into the front row of national consciousness; such that, today, 25 years into a now-unsettling experience with a fledgling democracy, we are not sure where we really are as a nation. Those whose interests are at variance with wider and deeper national interests have become the real enemies of Nigeria. They may well have actually constituted themselves into a team of highway men and women who waylay everything that could rescue Nigeria and consolidate our current democratic experiment.
This 25 years old democracy is being bombarded from all sides by (1) A fundamentally distorted eldership recruitment process, (2) Skewed values, (3) A largely dysfunctional educational system, (4) A flawed national psyche and (5) A youth bulge that is increasingly becoming the biggest unaddressed national crisis. With every passing day, these problems morph into new, and self-replicating, societal challenges.
Our nascent 25 years old democracy has thrown up leaders with sudden stupendous wealth from questionable sources. Their wealth has mostly impacted their immediate and extended families, of less than 15 persons, and a few friends. Their local communities, members of their religious congregations, most of their friends and even members of their extended families know how poor or rich they were a few years before they went into politics. The priests, traditional rulers and other supposed custodians of public conscience ask no questions. And that is one major difference between these pillars of value of yore and those of today. The traditional rules, the religious leaders, the family heads, uncles and aunts used to ask anyone of sudden wealth his means of income and livelihood. Not anymore! No more “My son, I hope you have not gone into strange and possibly evil ways.” You become an “illustrious” son or daughter, and a great pillar of faith in your place of worship once your cash value moves up. And this is while almost everyone, including their kith and kin, silently regard them as thieves who got away with their loot!
The Jonathan Presidency could have done much better than it did, but it allowed itself to be ruined by avoidable blunders, indecisiveness, image deficits, and a consistent failure to present an inspiring comportment. The Buhari Presidency, too, could have done everything it did very differently. But it chose to be appallingly nepotic, shamelessly insular and roundly impervious to everything a government should do to promote inclusivity, genuine national development and sustainable national values.
It is the decades-long effects of the overlooked fundamentals of true patriotism and nationhood that are creeping out from the woodwork to haunt us today. The absence of truth, deep knowledge, nobility of soul, propriety in public affairs, dignity in self-presentation, competence and decency in leadership have all come calling. They are all under the table as I write, shaking the table on which our democracy is standing in discomfort.
The nation blew its chance for a rebirth offered by the undeclared results of the June 12, 1993 presidential elections. The presidential candidate and his running mate were Muslims, but that did not matter to anyone. The electoral body put up an impressive performance, in preparing for the elections. The voters put up their best behaviour on the day of election. Electoral materials arrived on time. The voters queued up to exercise their franchise. The results, announced or not, were obvious. Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola was going to become the next president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria by popular choice, after Gen Ibrahim Babangida.
Then, inexplicably, a malodourous stench began to envelop the entire exercise. It was subtle at first. A sort of vague, but silently menacing, spectre. Or so it seemed at first. Then, to everyone’s horror, it began to gain solidity. Yes! The electoral body just wouldn’t announce the obvious results. As minutes turned to hours and hours turned to days and weeks, concerns mounted. Then there was an announcement: The outcome of elections had been annulled. It put the nation in a mood that is best captured in the Lamentations of David in the Bible thus: “The beauty of Israel is slain upon the high places. How art the mighty fallen? Tell it not in Garth, publish it not in the streets of Ashkelon, lest the daughters of the philistines rejoice…exalt”. For Nigeria, it was this: “The proof that Nigerians can rally and speak with one voice, in response to someone they consider their own, irrespective of ethnic roots and religious loyalties, is murdered by an ethnocentric cabal that has inflicted a desperate stranglehold on the nation.”
But, unlike the biblical David, who called on his people not to voice the great calamity, to avoid ridicule by perceived enemies who never wished them well, Nigerians were urged to go to town. “On June 12 we stand” became the most popular war cry all over the country in 1993, immediately after the annulment of that near-flawless election results. Sections of the elite, traders and tradesmen/women, workers, business owners, and many retired military officers spoke up and acted up. The international community was invited to say “no” to such travesty.
Then, and very sadly, this national battle cry, born of true patriotism and a sense of brotherhood among Nigerians, began to wane in a section of the country. A disengagement from one Nigeria, not from Abiola, was fanned and made to crystalize even further. The federation created by Abiola began to recede. The strikes, sit-at-homes and protests achieved nothing. A nation had just been buried. Then came a not-very-surprising wonder: Many who were initially standing on June 12 out of genuine conviction began to lose their enthusiasm; for various reasons. Some moved from “On June 12 we stand” to “On June 12 we sit”. Many who were standing on June 12, including those who had moved from standing to sitting, joined a new, “On June twelve we feed” group. “On June 12, and from June 12 shenanigans, we get our daily bread” was born.
But that was after General Sani Abacha had displaced the Interim National Government (ING) put in place by Babangida. Abacha met three categories of June Twelvers, namely: (1) Those who stuck to their guns on the need to announce the results and declare Abiola President Elect and (2) Others, including Abiola himself, who were in league with Abacha on his coup on the naïve understanding that the foxy soldier would hand them political power after displacing the ING. If only there was a law against delusions and reckless dreaming!
The message for us today, and especially for President Bola Tinubu, is that honest pursuit of our long-term national interest is the greatest investment anyone can make in Nigeria today. This democracy is threatened by elite irresponsibility, grave security challenges, declining national productivity, and unparalleled grand larceny in the form of institutional and personal corrupt practices.
What have we gained in the last 25 years? A lot, in terms of the lessons of life. Tottering, wobbling and flip flopping, we are being taken on a path of growth which many great nations of today have gone through. It is not yet time for the ideal, because the profane is still tolerated and celebrated. A time will come when that will also not be possible. Meanwhile, flip flopping is real. But so is the forward movement – for those who see the wood despite the trees. There will be a day of reckoning, not the same for all the bad actors. Each in his own time and turn. We are on course, strange as this may sound!
WAZIRI ADIO is the founder of Agora Policy, an Abuja-based policy think tank. He had stints as the Executive Secretary of the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI), THISDAY editorial page editor, special adviser to the senate president, communication specialist at UNDP etc. He obtained his first degree in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos, Ms. in Journalism from Columbia University and another and Master in Public Administration from Harvard University, where he was, at different times, a Fellow of the Neiman Foundation for Journalism, and an Edward S. Mason Fellow in public policy and management.
Civil Rule: A Quarter of a Century After
BY WAZIRI ADIO
A quarter of a century of civil rule is, unquestionably, no mean achievement for Nigeria. Combined, our first three attempts at democracy didn’t last up to ten years: the First Republic fell apart after five years, three and a half months; the Second Republic unravelled after four years and three months; and the Third Republic came out of the delivery room as a stillbirth. Until the current dispensation, it could be argued—and it was indeed widely argued—that democracy was jinxed in Nigeria. Not anymore.
Elected officials have now ruled the country for 34 of our 63 years of independence or for 54% of the time. This is a sharp contrast to the pre-1999 period when military rule was the overwhelmingly dominant form of government in Nigeria. Today, more than half of Nigerians, according to official estimates, were born after the 1999 transition. This means that a majority of Nigerians, including a sizeable number of those currently qualified to vote, have never experienced military rule. This is quite significant.
Many jinxes have been broken on the way to the silver jubilee of our current democracy. The records that have been shattered include: seven successive elections, against the previous record of two apiece in the first and second republics; peaceful transfers of power from one elected administration to the other thrice, against the previous record of zero; two elections in which incumbent presidents were term-barred after serving out the constitutionally allowed limits of eight years, against the earlier record of zero; and the defeat of an incumbent party and president, hitherto thought totally impossible in Nigeria.
Based on these and other parameters, as well as the longevity of the current republic, it can be argued that democracy has finally taken root in Nigeria. It has not all been smooth-sailing though. We have had nasty elections and testy moments and elected leaders with autocratic impulses. But through it all, democracy has managed to emerge as the ‘only game in town,’ that phase that scholars and students of democracy and democratisation call ‘democratic consolidation.’ On that score, there is reason to cheer, even if cautiously.
But longevity is not necessarily the same as maturity or growth. Likewise, endurance is not necessarily an insurance against backsliding or reversal. While we should celebrate how far we have come in our democratic journey, we should see this jubilee as an opportunity to examine the quality of our democracy and as a reminder of the need to get democracy to live up to its promise. This approach should take us back to philosophical and practical debates about the value of democracy and the link between democracy and development.
As Amartya Sen and others have argued, democracy has both intrinsic and instrumental worth. The freedom to choose and change who governs you and to benefit from other suites of freedoms/rights that should be taken as a given under civil rule represents the intrinsic worth of democracy. Those rights and freedoms extend the God-given rights of individuals and enhance their agency to function as complete human beings and full citizens. As someone who grew up and worked as a journalist for some years under military rule, I do not need to be persuaded that democracy has an intrinsic value or that this dimension is indeed valuable beyond the symbolic.
But when many Nigerians clamour and put their lives at risk for democracy, they expect to enjoy more than just a bundle of rights and freedoms (which even a benevolent dictator may permit). They expect democracy to translate to visible and sustained improvements in their lives. They expect democracy to be beyond an end by itself, but also a means to a higher end. This is the instrumental value of democracy, which in everyday parlance is called dividends of democracy.
There is an old argument that there is no automatic link between democracy and development and shared prosperity, which is the higher and ultimate end-goal. This is still a valid argument. However, it is equally a valid point that democracy has an edge over autocracy because of the option of choice embedded in regular, free and fair elections. It is this implicit threat that a non-performing government can be peacefully thrown out of office that should serve as an incentive for good governance.
The expectation of a much better life for Nigerians under civil rule was well captured by Mr. Segun Babatunde in a story published by the Pan African News Agency (PANA) on 31st May 1999, two days after the transfer of power to President Olusegun Obasanjo. “It is a new beginning,” Babatunde said, echoing the sentiments many Nigerians who had lived for almost 16 years under the jackboots of the military. “It is like we have just won independence from the military.”
A quarter of a century after, not many Nigerians remain giddy with excitement about democracy birthing a new beginning or signifying another independence. Without a doubt, some gains have been made in the last 25 years. We can easily point to roads, bridges, rail lines, airports, telephones lines, schools, hospitals and others that didn’t exist 25 years ago. Equally, there is the eight-fold increase in gross domestic products (boosted by rebasing, of course, and a few episodes of soft oil booms). Then, there is a slew of public financial management and other reforms that have been undertaken and have made governance comparatively more transparent and accountable.
But overall, more could have been done with the time and resources available. The quality of leadership and governance has been patchy. Despite restraining mechanisms, the level of state capture and official perfidy has multiplied. There are many areas we have not moved the needle much like electricity supply and the management of our oil and gas sector and on reduction of poverty and inequality. Also, there are some critical areas where we have actually regressed like security of life and property. Understandably, these areas of gaps play high on citizens’ minds when they assess the performance of our democracy.
According to a 2022 survey by Afrobarometer, 70% of Nigerians preferred democracy as a form of government but most of them took issues with the quality of Nigeria’s democracy. A whopping 77% of Nigerians expressed dissatisfaction with the quality of our democracy in 2022, up from 57% in 2017. Also, 64% of Nigerians described our variant of democracy as a democracy with major problems or not a democracy in 2022 up from 48% in 2017. The takeaway here is that most Nigerians believe that the quality of their democracy is deteriorating at an age the democracy should be maturing. This should get us worried.
Relatedly, Nigeria has posted a spotty record on major measures of democracy, governance and development in the last 25 years. In its 2024 report, Freedom House ranked Nigeria as ‘partly free’, with a score of 44 out of 100. (Ghana, one of the five African countries ranked as free, scored 80 over 100). On the 2023 Democracy Index of the Economist Intelligence Unit, Nigeria is still categorised as a ‘hybrid regime,’ with a score of 4.23 out of 10, and ranked at number 104 out of 167 countries. On the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Index of Liberal Democracy, Nigeria is scored 0.33 out of 1.
In 2021, Nigeria was ranked 30 out of 54 African countries on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance with a total score of 47.7 out of 100. Transparency International, in 2023, ranked Nigeria145th out 180 countries on its Corruption Perception Index, with a score of 25 out of 100. On its part, UNDP still categorises Nigeria as low on human development, with a score of 0.55 out of 1 and a ranking of 163 out of 191 countries on the 2023/2024 Human Development Index, a composite index of income, health and education. All round, these are abysmal scores.
The point here is not a clamour for a return to autocracy, or a manifestation of what some call autocratic nostalgia. Definitely not for me, as I have as an adult experienced both democratic rule and military rule, and will never wish for the latter, even in its most benevolent form. The message is that Nigeria’s democracy could have delivered much more in terms performance on major indexes and especially in meeting the valid expectations of Nigerians. Even when we factor in the complications that electoral politics introduces to a patronage-based, heterogenous and complex country, we have to agree that twenty-five years is a very long time for Nigeria to have made significant improvement on external ranking and internal perception of the quality and the performance of its democracy.
The best argument for democracy, especially in the context of recent reversals around us and at a time the majority of our citizens do not have a memory of how nasty military rule can be, is that democracy is indeed the best option, not only in symbolic but also in substantive ways, for citizens’ welfare. As we look back and look forward, this is the point that should not be lost on us. We need to remove the binding constraints to good governance, deepen the democratic temperament of our politicians and citizens, and enhance the instrumental value of our hard-won democracy.
(*A version of this piece was published in Adio’s column on 5th May 2024)
EUGENIA ABU A former Executive Director at the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA), Mrs Abu is a veteran Nigerian Broadcaster and award-winning writer. She is currently the Managing partner/ CEO of The Eugenia Abu Media. She is on the board of several international and national organisations, including the Savannah Centre for Diplomacy, Democracy and Development, and Veritas University. Mrs Abu is an external advisor for the On Nigeria programme of MacArthur Foundation
The Decline of Democratic Civility
BY EUGENIA ABU
I was travelling in the Gambia many years ago when a taxi driver in whose car my friend and I were riding stopped suddenly and asked us to disembark. He had taken umbrage to the suggestion by my friend that the then Gambian President, the self-styled herbal curer of HIV aids, Yahaya Jammeh was a strange man who had built a tower in self-aggrandisement. I had previously explained to my friend that a poisoned arrow of words aimed at the president of a country was not what tourists did. The taxi driver forgave her after much pleas and we went on our merry way.
While she was entitled to her opinion, my friend had been an ungracious tourist displaying a high level of incivility. Her approach, her language, and her bombastic nature got the goat of the taxi driver. A debatable issue in democracies is around what is advisory and what is mandatory for citizens. So, should we insult a president in traffic or even closer home should we insult each other in traffic? It is certainly cliché but still a much needed one, to say that one must treat a fellow world traveller the way they wish to be treated. And certainly, with freedom comes responsibility.
In Nigeria, a president, and it does not matter which one, is cannon fodder for citizens and whoever is giving them a commercial ride. From regular taxi drivers to the new app drivers, there is no limit to what you can say about the leadership of Africa’s most populous nation or anyone for that matter. It is unlikely that a Nigerian taxi driver would be so offended by a tourist insulting their leader that he would pull up and politely ask him to disembark. Often, they would in fact join in the fray and invent new invectives and give the tourist some sneak peek to undo his nation’s leader.
Many years ago, when I was still active as a national television anchor, I had taken a ride from the famous Balogun market back home. I was in disguise, sunglasses, face cap etc. If you did not know me prior, I was unrecognisable. The taxi driver had spent 3/4 of the ride completely stripping my fellow anchor. He was travelling with his brother and had pleaded that he rode along which I obliged. Upon arrival, I identified myself. He knew the game was up and ran for dear life. He did not know my colleague well enough to disembody her so badly.
Professor of law and author Stephen Carter in his famous article, ‘The Etiquette of Democracy’, posits that his point is not to tell us how to speak, “my point is to argue that how we speak is simply one point on the continuum of right and wrong ways to treat one another. And how we treat one another is what civility. As Carter rightly puts it, saying hello to a stranger on the street or driving with a bit more care are acts of generosity. Moving into this new cycle of democracy, what has happened to us traffic wise cannot be explained. And it has been a long time coming. It is time to ponder whether our road rage, reckless driving, drunk driving, over speeding, overloading, juvenile driving and use of cell phones while driving is meant to be on the rise within a democratic system. Is freedom stripping us of discipline on our roads?
It is on the streets of Nigeria that the driver of a car clearly marked National Assembly tried to take with him the leg of a pedestrian before my very eyes, it is on the streets that a four-year-old child of a friend was knocked down dead by a drunk driver while taking a walk with her father in their estate. It is on the streets that young adults play a dangerous game in Abuja driving round and round at a designated location and smashing expensive cars. It is on our streets and roads that we lose our young and old. The report “Burden of Road Injuries in Sub-Saharan Africa” classifies Nigeria as having the highest road injury and death rate [52.4 per 100,000 people] of any country in the world. Of the many causes of road accidents in Nigeria, poor vehicle maintenance, fatigue, and bad driving habits rank very high.
We seem to be disinterested in civility as we make our way on our roads. We are often dismissive, rude and foul mouthed at the slightest obstacle in our way. We are impatient with each other, and an otherwise decent individual suddenly changes in traffic. Is enforcement good enough? I doubt it very much. Are our traffic wardens well placed, well paid, and respected enough to do the job? Not at all.
We now return to traffic and democracy beyond traffic manners and courtesy to other drivers. After 25 years of democracy, what do we bring to the table in traffic as citizens. Most times, it’s a lack of discipline and a truly disrespectful behaviour towards other drivers. Can we look towards best practices to get where we should be, so that my British friend Dr Arnot does not say all the time that he thinks he might die in traffic in Nigeria between his office and his home, ten minutes between each other? It sounds extreme, but when you see the traffic democracy especially in urban spaces in Nigeria, it is truly insane. What about corruption in the system and implementation and enforcement by traffic agencies?
Conceptualised by Professor Wole Soyinka, Nobel laureate, and Nigeria’s first Corps Marshall, the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) is a brilliant initiative, and subsequent Corps Marshalls have stepped up the game. Other African nations have come to study it. All car papers are now fully digitalised, but there are other agencies in the business of road safety. Has that reduced traffic congestion or even Nigeria’s statistics for injuries and fatalities?
There is still so much to be done as we celebrate 25 years of democratic dispensation. Some studies have indicated that efficient democracies have better traffic management and fewer traffic fatalities, but that’s conversation for another day. More recently, scholars and practitioners in urban planning development and rural infrastructure development have averred that in our cities, towns, and hinterlands, there isn’t a more democratic space than our streets and sidewalks.
As described by urban planner Ken Clark, buildings are exclusive as homes, but the streets are inclusive, collectively ours to window shop and people-watch. But then cars and traffic have taken over that democratic space. So, town planners, architects, and city administrators are now pushing for more space on the street for humans, for coming together, for eating al fresco, for long time no sees and of course for suya and street food. These scholars are pushing for complete streets, a typology that establishes and solidifies the uniqueness of the street as a democratic public space, where pedestrians matter and sidewalks and nature exist while ensuring that our environment is not designed only to take place behind the wheel.
Dutch Traffic Engineer Hans Munderman in the 1960s posited that overabundance of signs, raised curbs, and myriad traffic signs. He considered this a power structure ruled by people behind the wheel, a kind of vehicular dictatorship. Can you see a Nigerian city fitting into this? Engineer Hans felt this vehicular dictatorship was unsafe for everyone and hoped to recreate a street where motorists would be forced to rely on eye contact and the awareness of others. Some cities across the world are doing this described as “shared spaces” in literature on a limited scale.
Traffic democracy in Nigeria can be better, traffic management can be better, being respectful to other road users is courtesy, and civility is part of democratic growth. In the next couple of years, would Nigeria improve her ghastly traffic road accidents narrative, or can technology make a difference to our shared spaces? As we celebrate democracy day 2024, please keep an eye on your driver, be more civil if you drive, and be kinder to your fellow traveller.
FAFAA DAN-PRINCEWILL A lawyer and Kalabari prince, Dan Princewill is a politician. During the Second Republic, he was a presidential assistant and in the aborted Third Republic, he was the National Youth Leader of the defunct Social Democratic Party (PDP). He was the Labour Party gubernatorial candidate in Rivers State in the 2023 general election.
What Nigerians Must Remember
BY FAFAA DAN-PRINCEWILL
Half the nation is seventeen years old or younger. A staggering 70% of Nigerians are 30 or younger, while only a mere 3% have crossed 65 years. Nigeria is pulsating with youthful energy and promise with some risk of too many not knowing relevant basics. This youthfulness formed the backdrop for my thoughts as I got a call to contribute to the commemoration of Nigeria’s record 25 years of unbroken democratic governance. The call sparked a torrent of memories – the arduous struggle for democracy, the relentless fight for a voice. I listened intently as the caller’s persuasion grew, weaving a compelling narrative.
The timing, however, was far from ideal. Fuel scarcity had reared its ugly head once more, inflation galloped forward, and the chorus of job seekers and pleas for financial help swelled. Adding to this weight, another close friend, a former classmate and two close relatives by marriage all passed away in quick succession. The stark reality of Nigeria’s 56-year life expectancy settled heavily upon me. My caller insisted that I should write on any topic of my choice. I wondered if Nigerian journalists among others, those who stood in the trenches of the democratic struggle, have been lauded for their courage, patriotism and labour of love? Those foot soldiers, the ones who confronted national issues head-on, who took a stand and gave voice to the voiceless.
As a young lawyer brimming with idealism and a budding entrepreneur my dedication to public service entailed significant sacrifice too, at the time. I had donated a day each week, for over a decade to this very cause. My Wednesdays were spent as part of the editorial board at THISDAY and another day at another leading paper. It was a crucible that added spice and character to my developing worldview – a time of confronting critical issues, taking decisive stances, and shaping viewpoints. It was an education, a constant exchange of ideas, a space where we envisioned a better Nigeria together.
These experiences, these conversations woven within the journalist community, gifted me with an enduring understanding of our nation. I pledged to write a piece, but the question remained – what to write about? What narrative had yet to be woven? Should it dwell on the shortcomings, the unfulfilled dreams, the crippling debt, or the fractured political landscape? Or perhaps a call to our youth, urging them to stay or to leave, to Japa or not to Japa? Should I delve into the philosophical, explore the meaning, essence and promises of democracy or talk about Nigerian identity or unrelenting spirit?
Twenty-five years of democracy – our third attempt, and by far the longest. A democracy like some of those noisy, undying and rickety vehicles moving slowly in a slant but still covering miles. 25 years is less than a speck in the grand scheme of a nation’s life, yet an eternity for a nation so young, with citizens so young that only a tiny select few hold vivid memories of a time before democracy.
Clarity emerged – the focus would be on our youth. As a former youth leader and activist, now one of the under 3%, I decided to address what information, knowledge, and understanding our youth need to have, that could constitute the very foundation that every Nigerian youth should possess. Education, training, honed skills, and in addition a global awareness, a consciousness – these are the weapons we must equip them with. Awake, Nigeria!
Our story transcends mere colonialism – it stretches back to the ancient identity of the black people along the Niger River. But what truly defines a Nigerian? This piece is not a history lesson, but history holds undeniable weight. We must grasp the interconnectedness of our past, present, and future. The lessons learned from the past illuminate the path forward. Let us march onward, not in bitterness or but with a resolve to learn from past mistakes, a commitment not to repeat the errors and failures of the past,
The British ‘amalgamated’ Nigeria in 1914, a loaded term in itself, a term dripping with colonial arrogance. The initial military force, ‘The Hausa Constabulary,’ later evolved into the ‘Hausa, Yoruba, Mohammedan Constabulary.’ It is instructive to note that the first officer corps, the first 50 individuals, included 38 from the present-day Southeast and South South), only eight Yoruba Christians. Interestingly, the Fulani, while positioned as political leaders, were excluded from the military, especially the officer corps, making their grip of power isolated and dependent. This historical ethnicised military and the imbalances were reflected in the two coups of 1966 and continue to cast a long shadow.
We cannot as a nation seem to get away from these imperfections handed to us. In a recent debate in the National Assembly, we are still talking about recruitment by state quota into the military. The automatic admission of graduates from military schools into the Nigerian Defence Academy and the officer Cadre is still coloured by this uneven distribution handed to us. 25 years of democracy should usher in a military that is neither ethnic or politicised.
Understanding our past is crucial. Nigerians must not be prisoners of amnesia; Nigeria’s narrative must not be lost to the fog of forgetfulness. The elders have a solemn duty to pass the torch of our history to the youth. Woven into the tapestry of our struggles and sorrows lies the bedrock of our resilience, our unwavering endurance, and the echoes of hard-won victories. This is the saga of a people brimming with vibrancy and imagination, a nation forever poised to contribute its unique talents across every horizon.
The global landscape is shifting dramatically. Our beloved ECOWAS, a natural economic community, fractures under the strain of tensions between France and its former colonies. Shockingly, evidence has surfaced of a secret agreement between France and its colonies to essentially maintain a colonial relationship even after “independence.”
The British may not have left such a clear blueprint, but questions linger. Nigerians deserve to know the full story. As a people we need to equip ourselves for the emerging new world. As Nigeria celebrates its democratic anniversary, we must confront the layers of challenges we face. True freedom lies in breaking free from the mental shackles that hold us back.
The fight for a better Nigeria is far from over. Let us embrace our shared heritage, understand and accept our history, never be afraid to rethink, correct or reform while building towards a future that fulfils the immense potential of our great nation.
On this 25th anniversary of democracy let me, as it is said across the land, use as a point of contact my mystery caller, Olusegun Adeniyi, a well decorated journalist, serial author, served meritoriously in government and still serving the nation in Journalism, to salute all Nigerian Journalists that have contributed to the enthronement of democracy in Nigeria. A special toast to all the old men today who were part of that brimming pulsation of energetic youth whose sacrifices bequeathed democracy, never mind the warts and all.
In closing, let us raise a toast to Nigeria’s youth. You stand blameless amidst the nation’s struggles yet bear the weight of both its burdens and its triumphs. You are the anchors of our aspirations, the custodians of our blood-stained legacy.
Nigeria is your inheritance, a tapestry woven with both challenges and opportunities. While the path may not be clear, your potential knows no bounds. Across the globe, Nigerians have carved their names into the fabric of human achievement. Carry that torch with unwavering confidence and pride. As you march forward, the world will recognize your brilliance, creativity and courage, making room for you to claim your rightful place.
Awake Nigeria!
OLUSEGUN ADENIYI Journalist, writer, public speaker and former presidential spokesman, Olusegun Adeniyi is a Fellow of the Nigerian Academy of Letters (FNAL) and a Fellow of Nigeria Institute of International Affairs (NIIA). Author of several books, including ‘Power, Politics and Death: A front-row account of Nigeria under the late President Yar’Adua’, Adeniyi is a Council Member of the Belt and Road News Network (BRNN) in Beijing, China.
25 Years After…and a Famous Car
BY OLUSEGUN ADENIYI
(On 6th January 2000, I wrote, ‘Who Dares Impound AA375 SHA?’. What followed, in the ENDNOTE, is why democracy is still very much preferred to other forms of government, despite its own challenges.)
When on Christmas Day (25 December 1999) I informed my departmental leader in Church, Mr Abiola Olatunji that I would be travelling to the village the next day to see my parents, his first reaction was: “With this car?” What many people do not know is that my rickety Peugeot 504 saloon car herein being referred to as AA 375 SHA is more than a vehicle. And it is inconceivable to go to the village without it. I learnt that the hard way.
Two years ago, I had travelled home with a cousin. Since our compound was the first as you enter the village and his happens to be at the other end, I had to drop him first. I then decided there was no point driving back to ours, so I packed my vehicle in his compound and just walked back home, since I had already offloaded all the things I brought before driving down. By midnight, a family meeting was summoned, at the instance of a visiting auntie, who asked me to explain why I did not deem it fit to park AA 375 SHA in our compound. Not only did I apologise for that lapse in judgement, but I also had to go and bring the car to our compound that night.
That experience taught me that AA 375 SHA is more than a means of transport. It is also a political object that reflects the status of some members of my extended family back in the village. Since AA375 SHA was not acquired straight from the factory (I am not calling it ‘Tokunbo’), it goes without saying that it may actually be older than some members of the Lagos State Executive Council, especially if a panel were to visit France to establish its year of manufacture. That, I understand, may be a problem, going by a new directive from the Lagos State government.
Within the two weeks that I was away from the country last month, there was a grand conspiracy against AA 375 SHA that I did not know of until yesterday. It is called the Ministry of Transport (MOT) Test to be conducted by some civil servants. For any vehicle to pass the MOT test, the following must not only be available but also functional: Lighting Equipment-front, brake, reverse and hazard lamps as well as trafficators. The vehicle is also to have efficient braking system, including parking brakes. Others are good tyres, a spare tyre, jack, and wheel spanner as well as working horn, operational wipers, registration plate, c-caution, fire extinguishers, fire escape (commercial vehicles only), ventilation and reflectors. “The process of obtaining an MOT Test certificate is to pay a N1000 testing fee to any Magnum Trust Bank, proceed to any MOT test centre of your choice for the test. If your vehicle is impounded without MOT test certificate, you would be required to pay N5,000 fine and acquire the certificate before it will be released. In the event of any vehicle not passing the test, a vehicle owner is required to re-appear not later than three days after putting the necessary defects in order…in the event of a lapse of time (more than three days after the first test) another payment would have to be made for conducting another test”, according to a statement signed by Mr Sina Thorpe, Press/Public Relations Officer, Ministry of Transport.
If this is not a conspiracy against AA375 SHA I don’t know what it is. I doubt if any of these things are ever functional in my car for a week. What the governor and his men are really up to with this law I don’t know but one thing I do know is that the conspiracy against AA375 SHA will fail because more than 50 people depend on it for survival and they will not keep quiet. There is Kabiru, my first mechanic in Surulere who still has a retainership on AA375SHA, three years after I relocated to Abesan Estate in Ipaja. He is a specialist in the Propeller Shaft of the car which keeps giving problem every month. Kabiru had to be brought in last December to perform some magic before the millennium visit home. For the two years I lived in Surulere after acquiring the car, Kabiru and I shared the usage. Every week, he had to take delivery of it for at least two days. But Kabiru did not have the exclusive right to AA375 SHA. There was and still is Tubosun, my all-purpose mechanic near Concord Press. The importance of Tubosun to the car cannot be overemphasised. For he knows all the places where you can procure plugs, adaptor, condenser, and coil on credit and that is done ever so often. Another advantage of Tubosun is the ingenuity in asking you to bring N2,000 for spare parts that he claims go for N5,000. If you don’t pretend to be stupid, how would AA375 SHA still be on the road?
Right there in Abesan Estate, Ipaja, there are Tony and Alfa, both competing for the exclusive rights to the maintenance of AA375 SHA. In my first year in the estate, Tony had to perform some abracadabra on the engine every morning before I leave for the office. The plugs had to be cleaned, the contact set sandpapered, and a whole lot of other things just for a hundred Naira. After Tony came Alfa (that’s the name everybody called him) who defrauded me of N6,000. The unfortunate thing about my relationship with Alfa is that he got me cheap and at the end, took away AA 375SHA for a week to do Kabukabu. The damage done to the car in those few days that raised my blood pressure so high is yet to be fully rectified.
Very close to my old office in Ikeja is Muyideen (aka AIT) who is an expert in steering rack, big bushing, spider boris and such other engine parts you may not know about AA375 SHA. Sometimes too, he suggests that he be allowed to wash the car at a special place where they charge N100. The problem is that he would often come back with a bill of N150 because “there was no water and had to pay extra money for water. In the last one week, Akeem, my new mechanic, has shown his expertise in shock absorber, gear selector and tie rod. We have not talked of the battery charger, the vulcanizer, the enigine oil seller and petrol attendant, all of whom benefit from the AA375SHA economy. But how could it have survived without the panel beater? There are three actually. One is an expert in silencer which must be repaired every week to make the sound a bit tolerable. The other works on the body which now has more body filler than panel.
On a more serious note, is the MOT directive the solution to the chaotic transport situation in Lagos? At a period when all eyes are on Governor Bola Tinubu to find a permanent solution to the problem of refuse dump and probably bring in his alternative power plant, what concerns the governor, and his men is the strategy on how to reduce the number of car owners in Lagos. Assuming the law is in good faith, how come it is to be enforced with immediate effect like an Abacha decree? How many vehicles are less than five years old in Lagos? What is the essence of the law in our peculiar situation when only few can afford Tokunbo cars? There are several issues begging for attention in Lagos State and some people would rather chase shadows. How would the MOT decree impact on the life of residents?
Notwithstanding the conspiracy of the Lagos State government against people like me, no car owner in this state will leave the road for another. Nobody, and I repeat nobody, can impound AA375SHA.
ENDNOTE: On the same day the column was published, I got a call from Alausa that then Governor Bola Tinubu wanted to see me. I honoured the invitation the next day. The moment I arrived at his office, Tinubu said rather jocularly that I had dared him with the last line of my article hence I would not leave Alausa with the car. But what surprised me was that before I was ushered into his office, some officials of the Ministry of Transport were already waiting. He asked them to explain the essence of the policy tome. What followed was an interesting conversation. I was told that the MOT was just the beginning of a process which later culminated in the establishment on 15th July that year (2000), of the Lagos State Traffic Management Authority (LASTMA) with the late Chris Olakpe, a retired Assistant Inspector General of Police as the pioneer CEO.
I am not sure the Tinubu of that period is the same man we now have as the president of Nigeria but that is not the point. As I reflect on that encounter, I knew if my piece had been written a year earlier under the military, I probably would have ended up in detention with my car confiscated. So, the message is simple: While Nigeria’s democratic journey has not been perfect, considering our experience under military rule, we should never take the freedom we now enjoy for granted.
