Looking Back, Forging Ahead

BY OLUSEGUN ADENIYI

Although James Bennet was speaking about New York Times when he defined the editorial board as “an institutional voice, but not the voice of the institution as a whole”, one can also infer that he spoke to what the board is, or should be about, in any serious publication. For sure, that is what the THISDAY editorial board represents.

For the past 14 years, I have been fortunate to share ideas with incredible Nigerians from diverse backgrounds and worldviews brought together to deploy their knowledge and expertise on burning national issues. Some have gone on to be governor, minister, commissioner, special adviser, federal lawmaker, and head of critical agencies, both at the centre and in the states. Although many of these respected citizens are no longer on the board, I have invited some to contribute to this special publication. And for good reasons too.

Whether in the life of an individual or a nation, a silver anniversary is a very significant milestone. It is even more so in this instance, given the political trajectory of our country. Nigeria’s first experiment in democracy lasted just six years. The second attempt was even shorter: Four years and three months. Meanwhile, the Third Republic was aborted before it was even inaugurated. That the current democratic dispensation in our country has lasted a quarter of a century is indeed remarkable.

As Nigeria therefore marks its 25 years of unbroken democracy, it is a time to reflect on the past, celebrate the present and look to the future with optimism. But as we have done on different occasions in the past 14 years that I have chaired THISDAY editorial board, we are pushing the envelope to go beyond the unsigned commentary which represents the newspaper’s position on contemporary issues either on the local scene or in the international arena. We are giving each member, including those that served in the past, a voice. That is what the times demand.

By most demographic projections, the percentage of Nigerians under the age of 25 is about 62 percent while those below 30 is put at about 71 percent. That means we have a generation whose members have only experienced the current democratic dispensation that started in 1999. These young Nigerians may therefore not appreciate the difference between the freedom they now enjoy, even with its imperfections, and the authoritarianism, oppression and the disdain and utter contempt for any form of accountability that defined the era gone by.

However, the contributions in this collection do not make excuses for our failures. Nor are they about the past. They represent the views of (former and current) members, including those who have also, at some point, been critical actors in the public arena. For instance, the imperative of the moment, according to NASIR EL-RUFAI, “is to restore a federal structure that challenges and rewards creative efforts by the states to build up their subnational economies and governance capacity.” For UDOMA UDO UDOMA, who described the failure of the ‘Third Term’ project in 2006 as one of the triumphs worth celebrating, “The effect of what the National Assembly did is that, in Nigeria, the power of incumbency cannot be used, as in some other African countries, to perpetuate anyone in office.”

However, despite whatever may be the benefits of democracy, the hangover of military rule is still very much with us, according to CHIDI AMUTA, who posits that “there is still a general intemperance in the attitude of the people to the value of forbearance as an attribute of democratic conduct.” Both BASHIR YUSUF IBRAHIM and EDDIE IROH take a pessimistic view of our democratic journey with the conclusion that it is not working for most Nigerians. “To be sure, Nigeria’s democracy has, over the last 25 years, been hijacked by imposters who promote personal and private interests at the expense of the nation’s viability and its future,” the former wrote. The latter’s thesis is on the structure of government and governance with the conclusion that “within the federal system exists a financial arrangement that has made the quest for the presidency a quinquennially do-or-die affair.” NDUBUISI FRANCIS is worried about the food crisis in Nigeria for which there seems to be no coherent solution.

Looking ahead, KAYODE KOMOLAFE argues that to develop, we must go back to the era of Development Plans. MONDAY PHILIPS EKPE whose intervention is on the current socio-economic situation in Nigeria concludes that “It’s difficult to comprehend how people are coping with the numerous troubles which undermine all known variables that safeguard their wellbeing.” In individual households, MARYAM UWAIS further argues, “the inability to make ends meet exacerbates social, physical, and mental problems, all of which undermine economic growth.” To address those challenges, AISHA SHUAIBU advocates for “policies that promote equitable access to education, healthcare, and socio-economic opportunities can bridge the gap between the different segments of our society.”

While the concerns of AISHA HASSAN BABA centres on the growing cases of suicides in the country, BENNETH OGHIFO speaks to the neglect of environmental issues by the federal government. Meanwhile, EUGENIA ABU uses what happens in traffic to illustrate the loss of civility in the country. PAUL NWABUIKWU sees a lesson for the country in the recent adoption of Ghana by American music star, Stevie Wonder. And despite different actions that have been adopted and implemented to foster national unity among different ethnic groups, according to IYOBOSA UWUGIAREN, “primitive sentiments have continued to pervade the political system.” While also projecting into the future, ANGELA GBEMISOLA ATTAH proposes that “Our foremost priority should be the preservation and promotion of these values. Let us reclaim our role as a village that nurtures resilient, compassionate, and morally grounded children.”

In the reflection of ISABELLA OKAGBUE, what we practice is “a democracy that does not live up to the dreams of those political and human rights crusaders that fought for the end of military rule all those many years ago.” Until we reinvent Nigerian democracy or refashion it to suit our peculiar circumstances, according to SONNIE EKWOWUSI, “we are simply wasting our time by creating opportunities for those who would steal political power and wreak havoc on the country.”

Taking a philosophical view of our current trajectory, OKEY IKECHUKWU argues that we may be “Tottering, wobbling and flip flopping,” but hope is not yet lost for Nigeria. On the way forward, WAZIRI ADIO contends that “We need to remove the binding constraints to good governance, deepen the democratic temperament of our politicians and citizens.” And FAFAA DAN PRINCEWILL sends a poignant message to the young generation of Nigerians: “You are the anchors of our aspirations, the custodians of our blood-stained legacy.”

By way of a reminder that democracy is still very much preferred to other forms of government, despite its own challenges, I recall my column of 6th January 2000, ‘Who Dares Impound AA375 SHA?’. Hilarious as the recollection may be, the message is important.

Overall, notwithstanding the stand taken by each contributor, what we celebrate in this edition is the strength of a democracy in a country where many had long concluded that it is too frail a plant to survive. Now, we have journalists raising their voices without fear and government can be changed by ballots rather than bullets. But this collection is also not just that our democracy has endured a quarter of a century but also a reminder that freedom is never guaranteed. As we can see with the examples of neighbouring countries, sustaining our democracy is a collective responsibility.