NNPC AND THE NIGERIAN CULTURE OF SABOTAGE

 Nigeria is a country at war with itself, writes Joshua J. Omojuwa

I got engaged in a discussion with my friends whilst travelling through Central America. The discussion moved across different subjects and jurisdictions. We went from the United States and its elections, dwelling on President Biden’s challenges and the possible effects of the Trump shooting. We navigated Asia and the modern successes of Japan, South Korea and Singapore. We debated the effect of democracy on development. And then one of them looked at me and asked, “JJ, what is the update on Nigeria?”

That was the elephant in the room, at least from my point of view. Time came to address it and some of the conversation focused on what we missed from the military era. One of them gave examples of what South Korea and Singapore successfully did with some form of autocratic governments, and why we never really had a military government that used the opportunity of their absolute powers to advance development. Then someone said, “I heard Murtala Muhammed was great, but he ruled Nigeria for less than six months. I wonder how much greatness any leader could have achieved in less than six months”. Another said, “it helps that one was alive and conscious during the Yar ‘Adua era, because he has also been deemed great by a section of Nigerians. Even though nothing in the period he ruled suggests such an accolade.”

At this point, after we had gone through the various leadership periods, including the democratic era, one said, “if we don’t have a consensus on any one great leadership era in our history, is that not as much an indictment on these leaders as it is on our people and the elites? The leaders changed, the people and the elites were the constant. It is hard not to think we got the leadership our elites and may be the people wanted or deserved. If not both.” 

Someone shared an old story on Dr Tai Solarin, the People’s Bank and the Ibrahim Babangida military government. That despite Tai Solarin’s best intentions and efforts, the People’s Bank failed because the people Dr Solarin was surrounded with by the government to lead the bank and the people that the bank was intended to benefit combined to run the bank down. In this case, even with a man of integrity leading the board of the bank, the system was strong enough to drown the bank amidst corruption and bad loans. Tai Solarin had to resign when he realised he could not save the bank and could not get the government to enforce its own rules on accountability. 

A more recent story suggests that that culture prevails. Within hours of the NNPC GCEO, Mr Mele Kyari, informing members of the National Assembly that the second phase of Port Harcourt Refinery Rehabilitation was almost completed and was on time to begin production in two months, some young people in their hundreds allegedly besieged the refinery in the Eleme area of Port Harcourt. They reportedly blocked roads and went on the rampage, destroying cables and pipes. According to reports, they also mounted a road blockage, preventing movement in and out of the refinery. They then set out to party on the road. 

This is one of several examples of how Nigeria gets sabotaged. When it is said that something does not work in Nigeria, it is important to take an extra look to be certain that such was intended to work in the first place. Because like success, failure can be a design. Whilst the majority clearly benefit from a working system, there are people who find their means of livelihood in chaos and inefficiencies. 

Nigeria’s refineries must work. Refining our crude in the country helps to create jobs, moderate prices and ensures that we are less dependent on what happens elsewhere for our supply of petroleum products. The buck ultimately stops at the government’s end. So, they must ensure the security of lives and properties and nip this sabotage and others like it in the bud. The security forces must take up the challenge of protecting essential infrastructure. 

In another breath, those who said the Dangote refinery was never going to work are now the first to scream, “why are they importing crude to refine in Nigeria?” Context is everything. If the refinery has the capacity to process different combinations or grades of crude, it will have to source some of those grades from abroad because Nigeria does not have all the grades. It is mostly a private entity; it will always be driven by the need to ensure its stakeholders are rewarded with profit.

Whilst Nigeria’s got the Bonny Light, the US blend is called WTI — West Texas Intermediate. The Dangote refinery reportedly issues tenders periodically for these specific crude grades to be delivered within a set timeframe and quantity. Some of that need is met by local supplies whilst the rest is sourced from abroad. 

It is not as much a case of capacity within the country to supply as it is a case of choice to prefer a variety of blends. You don’t make the same amount of profit on different blends of crude. Sometimes, the choice of crude is influenced by the margins available on profit. 

Too many people want Nigeria to be wrong so bad, offering them a context as to why things could be different from their perception is to make enemies of them. Stories like Ademola Adeyemi-Bero’s First &EP and their NNPC experience never go viral.

Our trip took us through Costa Rica, one of about five countries without a military force. Can you imagine our country without the military? In our case, they defend our territorial integrity, but they are also now virtually in every state of the country trying to keep the peace within. Nigeria then, in essence, is a country at war with itself. When you think about it, that applies beyond a literal war. The P&ID case would never have been without Nigerians aiding foreigners to undermine the country. We hail thee, indeed.

 Omojuwa is chief strategist, Alpha Reach/ BGX Publishing