The Continuing Absurdity of LGA Elections

Waziri Adio

In the last three months, 12 states across five of the six geo-political zones have conducted local council elections. Eight other states have announced plans to hold council polls between next week and February 2025. This rash of local elections is in response to the affirmation by the Supreme Court on July 11th that, as mandated by the constitution, local government areas (LGAs) should be run only by democratically-elected administrators. But there is hardly anything that separates the council elections held before and after July 11^th. The quality of LGA elections remains below par.

Irrespective of the political diversity and the local issues at play, the political parties that the governors belong to (or are affiliated with) always enjoy a clean sweep in the local polls in the states. There are many states in this country where presidential, gubernational, federal and state parliamentary elections are fiercely contested, where presidential and governorship elections are won narrowly and where available seats for Senate, House of Representatives and state assemblies are split between at least two political parties. But those same states become remarkably one-party states once it comes to LGA elections. Clearly, something doesn’t add up here.  

The farce cuts across party lines, as the 12 local elections held after July 11 have confirmed. The All Progressives Party (APC) swept all the available seats in Ebonyi, Kebbi, Kwara, Imo, Sokoto, and Benue states where it is the ruling party; the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) replicated the same feat in its own domains in Bauchi, Enugu, Plateau and Akwa Ibom (where it magnanimously conceded, and in strange fashion, one out of 31 LGAs to APC); the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) ensured that it had a perfect score in Anambra State, the only state it controls; and the Action Peoples Party (APP), a totally unknown party, had a slam dunk in Rivers State (securing 22  out of 23 LGAs) because it is the proxy party of the current governor of the state.

The Labour Party (LP) and the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) are expected to follow the trend by picking all the local seats available when Abia and Kano states hold their LGA elections in the next few weeks.  

To situate how farcical this clean sweep pattern is, let us look at two electorally diverse/competitive states that have conducted local elections after July 11^th: Plateau and Sokoto states. In the 2023 general election, the main parties polled as follows in Plateau State: 42% for LP, 28% for APC and 22% for PDP in the presidential election; 48% for PDP, 44% for APC and 7% for LP in the gubernatorial election; PDP won two senatorial seats while APC got one; PDP secured five seats while APC got three seats in the House of Representatives; and for the state House of Assembly, PDP secured 13 seats, APC got nine and Young Progressives Party (YPP) won two. However, this intense level of political competition and diversity disappeared when it came to LGA elections, as PDP, the ruling party in the state, cleared all the chairmanship slots in the 17 LGAs.

It is a different party but the same pattern in Sokoto State. In the 2023 general election, PDP got 49% to APC’s 48% in the presidential election; APC won the governorship with 52% to PDP’s 47%; APC secured two senatorial seats to PDP’s one; APC got eight seats while PDP secured three seats in the House of Representatives; and in the state House of Assembly, APC won 20 seats to PDP’s 10. However, the diversity completely vanished at the LGA level, as APC produced all 23 chairpersons and all 244 councillors.

Governors across party lines, and for various political and financial reasons, want the local councils in their breast pockets. Their first preference is to run the LGAs with appointees who are beholden and answerable only to them. In clear violation of Section 7 of the 1999 Constitution, governors used to routinely dissolve democratically-elected councils and appoint caretaker committees to run the LGAs. By the time the Supreme Court ruled on this obvious, wilful and flagrant violation of the constitution, caretaker committees were running the show in local councils in 20 of Nigeria’s 36 states.

The governors are now rushing to conduct LGA elections because, with the Supreme Court ruling, they have no cover to continue with their preferred but illegal option. But they have, without great exception, moved on to their second preference: conducting sham LGA elections. And this is easy to do, and is being done by all irrespective of party and religious affiliations, because there is another cover that is still fully in place: the state independent electoral commissions (SIECs), as presently configured, are extensions of state governments. So, the governors have moved, grudgingly, from Option A to Option B while retaining absolute control of those running the councils. Head or tail, they win.

The governors are not deciding the outcome of the LGA elections merely because they have the resources and the structures to determine electoral outcomes at the subnational level (otherwise, they would have been determining 100% the outcomes of all other elections held at the state level). Governors have an oversize influence on local elections simply because the SIECs, which conduct LGA elections, are fully in their pockets. The ‘independent’ in the name of SIECs is a semantic mockery. The SIECs are anything but independent. The governors constitute (and decide when to constitute) the SIECs. The governors fund and decide when to and how well to fund them. As long as this arrangement remains in place, the governors will continue to impose their puppets as LGA chairpersons and councillors. 

My sense is that there is an emerging consensus on the need to break governors’ chokehold over SIECs, and by extension LGA elections. However, opinion is divided on what to do. There are those who believe SIECs can be made truly independent. Some others prefer that all elections should be conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The Senate is working on creating a federal agency just for local council elections. I have my reservations about some of the options and also have my preference, but that is neither here nor there. What is important is that we need to fashion a way to take our LGA elections from the big joke that the governors have turned them into.

Outcomes of LGA elections should reflect the choices and the diversity of the local communities. Put another way, we need to make our local politics/elections truly local again (it used to be). It is when local officials are those truly elected by the local people that the elected will feel an obligation to be answerable to the people and be responsive to their needs and when the people will feel empowered to hold the elected to account. Financial autonomy to LGAs will not mean much if the people do not have a say on who runs their affairs and if those entrusted with power do not think they need the people to get into and stay in office.

Of course, the status quo favoured by the governors would not simply disappear because of Supreme Court’s ruling or merely because of our expectations. The outcome of LGA elections conducted in 12 states after the judgment of the apex court has made that point abundantly clear.  There is some serious work to be done by all of us not only to make LGA elections truly free, fair and credible but, more importantly, to improve the quality of governance and service delivery at the local level across the country. As I have said repeatedly here and elsewhere, Nigeria will be a considerably better place if our LGAs (with the resources and responsibilities assigned to them) are run in a more responsive, accountable, competent, efficient and effective manner. Financial autonomy, which the Supreme Court has granted, is good thing but it can’t be the cure-all. It can only be a starting point.  

MacArthur Foundation’s Momentous Trifecta

Last week, the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, an American philanthropic organisation with offices in Nigeria, India and USA, rolled out the drums to mark some momentous milestones. The first, and the highpoint, was the celebration of its three decades of identifying and walking with Nigeria, staying the course, and making significant and catalytic interventions targeted at supporting the Nigerian government, civil society organisations and individuals to tackle some of the key constraints to human development and overall national development in the country.

MacArthur Foundation came into Nigeria in 1994, at a time when the country was embroiled in the political and economic uncertainty that followed the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election and when a ruthless military dictatorship was unfolding. This was a period when many Nigerians and friends of Nigeria were doubtful of what the future held and not sure if the country would even hold together. Other donor organisations operated from a safe distance, either in their home countries or in neighbouring countries. Some closed shop or scaled down.

But it was at this moment of national turmoil and doubt that MacArthur Foundation decided to pitch its lot, in country, with Nigeria. Under the able leadership of Professor Bolanle Awe, eminent historian and gender activist, the foundation started life in Nigeria with a population and reproductive health programme, which contributed to saving lives through improvement in health services and reduction in maternal and infant mortality in the country.

Since that entry in 1994, the foundation has not wavered on Nigeria. It not only stayed but also expanded its portfolio to other equally impactful areas like human rights and justice sector reforms, gender and social inclusion, and capacity development for higher education. In the last 30 years, MacArthur Foundation has awarded close to 1000 grants amounting to about $320 million to 500 organisations and individuals, according to Professor John Palfry, the current president of the foundation who was on hand to witness the celebration with some members of his senior team and a member of the foundation’s board, Professor Funmi Olopade.

The cross-section of Nigerians—from far and wide and across generations and sectors—that turned up in Abuja last week for the 30^th anniversary event is an acknowledgement of and an ode to the MacArthur brand of philanthropy. A proud and grateful Professor Awe, now a nonagenarian but still lucid, was on hand to join the celebration and move to the beats.

The foundation’s second milestone was a couple of activities organised to mark the winding down of the bet it took on Nigeria nine years ago. The Big Bet On Nigeria commenced in 2016 and terminates in a few months. The overall goal of the intervention is to reduce corruption by supporting Nigerian-led efforts that strengthen transparency, accountability and participation.

The On Nigeria programme is indeed a big bet on the country. It accounts for more than half of MacArthur’s grant in its 30 years of operating in the country. Specifically, the foundation has given out more than $150 million in grants to more than 200 grantees and subgrantees in four cohorts: media and journalism; behavioural change; criminal justice reform; and advocacy and accountability. Grantees cut across anti-corruption agencies, academia and think tanks, civil society and media. Beyond providing grants, MacArthur has also invested in building the capacity of its grantees, challenging and helping them to devise strategies for sustaining their important work beyond the life of the programme, and nurturing a coalition of change agents and partners within and outside of government. Beyond the well-documented impact of the big bet on Nigeria, its effects will continue to reverberate in years and decades to come.

The third milestone is understated but equally significant and can be classed as the connecting thread between the other two: the celebration of Dr Kole Shettima’s 25^th year at the foundation. Dr. Shettima joined MacArthur in 1999, took the torch from Professor Awe and has kept it alive and aloft since. One of Nigeria’s leading political scientists, he is the country director of the foundation. Along with Erin Sines, he is the co-director of the On Nigeria Programme.

Unassuming and approachable, Dr Shettima seems incapable of the kind of the hubris common with a breed of grant makers in this clime. His passion, compassion and ethics are unmistakable, even when he doesn’t go around advertising them. He has contributed not only to sculpting the work and image of MacArthur in Nigeria but also to shaping the values and outlook of his colleagues in the Abuja office. An encounter with any of them, from the highest to the lowest, leaves a firm impression of how he has successfully moulded a passionate and professional team. He is a great leader and an all-round great man. He deserves his flowers.