WAKE UP, NATIONAL ASSEMBLY!

Federal lawmakers must not fail in their responsibility to safeguard this democracy, writes MONDAY PHILIPS EKPE

Not that the National Assembly has done anything in recent times to shock the generality of the people. Nigerians have watched with resignation and dwindling interest the quality of their representative governance deteriorate inexorably in the course of this Fourth Republic. They wish to have pleasant surprises emerge. But that desire wasn’t fulfilled last Thursday when President Bola Tinubu approached the federal legislature to ratify the state of emergency he slammed on Rivers State two days earlier.

The occasion, readily one of the most constitutionally consequential moments of the present administration, could have been used to demonstrate not just the independence of a most critical component of government but also give the people of the affected state a voice. For, in the absence of an active popular voice, democracy – often touted as the best thing that has happened in the world’s political space – would be as hollow and potentially harmful as any loathed type of government. If people aren’t heard and responsively so, the very idea of the government of the people, by the people, and for the people would have no meaning beyond its poetic rendition.

As already pointed out on many platforms since that show of shame at the Senate and House of Representatives, the preference for voice vote in such a momentous exercise and the deliberate disregard for the proof of quorum by the leaderships of the red and green chambers signalled new lows at a time the need for systemic hope is at its peak. How will the presiding officers in both wings of the law-making institution explain to their own grandchildren the skills they brought to bear on that day in order to endorse the controversial presidential order? Again, not that this question ranks high among the cocktail of misdemeanours beclouding the credibility of the “distinguished” and “honourable” members.     

Last Monday, I attended the colloquium organised to mark the 60th birthday of a former Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives and an ex-Governor of Imo State, Rt. Hon. Emeka Ihedioha. “Is Democracy Failing in Africa?” was the subject that required honest answers from the eminent personalities there. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s response was in the affirmative. The Presidential Candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in the last general election, Mr Peter Obi, declared that democracy had collapsed in Nigeria. Guest speaker, Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah, went philosophical and attempted to convince the audience that perfection shouldn’t be expected in its operations. Senator Aminu Tambuwal took his cue from the priest and said that the nation’s democracy was a work in progress.

Wonderful responses all, representing the disillusionment of numerous citizens and also those whose optimism and patience might have started to wear thin. In the midst of those high-quality exchanges, my mind couldn’t move away from the second arm of government. For good measure, that venue had a large number of old and serving lawmakers.

Edmund Burke, notable 18th Century English author, thinker and statesman has several words on marble to his name, two of which are: “The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing” and “Those who don’t know history are destined to repeat it.”  These dictums now beg for attention as we attempt to navigate the waters of democracy which are becoming increasingly murky. Also, in a direct reference to the branch of government that’s designed to ensure equitable representation of the populace, Burke declares: “In effect, to follow, not to force the public inclination; to give a direction, a form, a technical dress, and a specific sanction, to the general sense of the community, is the true end of legislature.”

A core, definitive summary of the functions of the parliament, apparently. Having been deeply influenced by such iconic philosophers like John Locke, prominent Enlightenment protagonist and “father of liberalism”; Montesquieu, French judge, political scholar and key promoter of the doctrine of separation of powers; and Aristotle, timeless Greek polymath and philosopher, the validity of that statement can hardly be faulted.

The gigantic structure in the place called “three arms zone” in the nation’s capital that hosts an imposing dome is supposed to be the prime symbol for the sum-total of the hopes, frustrations, aspirations and solutions of Nigerians everywhere. The individuals who have the opportunity to represent their constituents across the federation must be conscious of their onerous task of contributing to what Burke called a “general sense of the community”.

For the citizens of Nigeria, that essentially means having men and women of integrity in the famed hallowed chambers who would prioritise their never-ending lists of concerns – both circumstantial and existential. Nearly 26 years after returning to democracy, its dividends are yet to make much meaning to many of them. But rather than seizing election cycles to celebrate a new era of freedom and brighter prospects, they’ve become reminders of broken promises and difficult dark clouds.

One legitimate poser here is why it makes sense to single out the national lawmakers at this point when, in fact, they constitute only a segment of the architecture called government. The legislature indeed encapsulates the fundamental concept of “we, the people” more than the executive and judiciary. It can’t get more profound than that. Military adventurists in politics know this. The first body which comes under the hammer anytime coup occurs is the entity that aggregates the diversities within the country. It is the thermometer that reveals the vibrancy or otherwise of democratic practice. The centrality of the legislative pillar in any civilian administration is, therefore, not in contention.

Like every other aspect of the polity, the Assembly has its own shortcomings. For instance, the current occupants have the misfortune of inheriting an overwhelming perception of being too self-serving to be of any substantial use to their constituents, let alone the entire nation. They’re saddled with the image of transactional fellows who’re there to recoup whatever they invested in securing their juicy seats. No generalisations intended. If this comment is unfair, probing around the streets of Nigeria might just be it. An average legislator today is not genuinely loved by the masses he/she claims to work for. The focus is on the ones in Abuja as law-making and oversight in the state and local government capitals are in much more dire situations. In virtually all cases, the legislators are effectively in the pockets of heads of the executive, sadly.

Therein lies the urgency of this moment. Successive sets of federal lawmakers in the present democratic dispensation have recorded varying degrees of success. But the immediate past President of the Senate and Chairman of the Assembly, Senator Ahmed Lawan, introduced a rather worrying element to the equation. He announced at his inauguration in June 2019 that under his watch, his colleagues and himself would have no problems approving whatever came from the presidency since they were sure of the intentions of former President Muhammadu Buhari. By that, he unwittingly handed over the soul of the legislature to the executive wholesale!

And now, this. Lawan’s successor, Senator Godswill Akpabio, with some allegations chasing him, is in an even more precarious position at this point to lead the Assembly out of its valley of subservience and underachievement. President Tinubu already sits upon a behemoth of powers as all the federal ministries, departments, agencies and parastatals are under his control. Surrendering the Senate and House to him in whatever form would move him closer to becoming a full-blown imperial president, an outcome that Nigeria can’t afford. Every stakeholder must rise against such unwholesome tendencies. And only the senators and representatives can adequately lead that charge through constructive, not necessarily combative, and pragmatic engagement.

Dr Ekpe is a member of THISDAY Editorial Board