#EndSARS: Three Years After, What Has Changed? 

As Nigerians marked the third anniversary of the 2020 #EndSARS protest on October 20, Sunday Ehigiator examines the underpinning factors that gave birth to movement, what it achieved so far and areas where it failed 

In October 2020, an internet hashtag took Nigeria and the world by storm. #EndSARS, a call for the disbandment of Nigeria’s special anti-robbery squad (SARS) unit, was the top trending Twitter hashtag for weeks and drew the support of many world leaders, including the United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres and U.S. President Joe Biden.

Initially created in 2018, the protest was reborn after social media reports of the shooting of a young man by the Police Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) operatives in Delta State.

In a matter of days, the movement had grown beyond its online boundaries, morphing into massive nationwide protests which were met with fierce government repression.

In the most publicized crackdown, the Nigerian military reportedly opened fire on peaceful protesters at the Lekki toll gate on the night of October 20, 2020. The attack drew the international community’s ire and earned a special CNN investigation.

Three years later, certain questions remain unanswered. One such question is whether the movement, which saw the death of at least forty-nine people in just one day, achieved its objectives. Another is the question of the legacy and lasting impact of the movement.

The #EndSARS Objectives

Although the then Nigerian president, Muhammadu Buhari, in a blink of an eye, announced the disbandment of SARS for the umpteenth time a few days after the protest erupted, the protests did not abate, instead spread rapidly across the country.

Having suffered decades of police brutality and harassment, protesters made five demands; the immediate release of all arrested protesters, psychological evaluation and retraining of all disbanded SARS officers before their redeployment, compensation for all victims of police brutality, investigation and prosecution of errant police officers, and increased police salary. The implementation of these demands in the three years since the protests is examined below.

Release of Protesters

On October 5, 2022, after spending two years in Kirikiri Maximum Prison, two #EndSARS protesters were released from detention.

In October 2022, a report by Amnesty International revealed that over 40 #EndSARS protesters were still languishing in prisons across Nigeria. 

However, on January 10, 2023, nine of the protesters were released in Oyo State.

They include Oyewole Olumide, Rasheed Tiamiyu, Moruf Adekunle, Taoreed Abiodun, Ikenna Amechi, Afeez Ariyo, Ikechukwu Eze, and Adesina Ademuyiwa detained at Agodi Correctional Centre Ibadan, Oyo state for participating in #EndSARS protests in October 2020. The Oyo State Chief Judge ordered their discharge, acquittal, and release.

Those released were detained for well over two years and three months without trial in Agodi Correctional Centre, having previously been detained at the defunct Special Anti-Robbery Squad unit of the Nigeria Force facility in Ibadan and Abolongo Prison in Oyo Town. They were detained under trumped-up charges ranging from theft, arson, possession of unlawful firearms, and murder. 

Following the release of the first nine, Amnesty International likewise called on the Nigerian authorities to also release; “Ayodeji Oluwasegun, Andoh Immanuel, Yakubu Olayiwola, Olaogun Ismail, Uba Chukwuma, Dosunmu Taiwo, Daniel Joy-Igbo, Yusuf Rafiu, Olawale Marcus, Muyiwa Onikoyi, Shehu Anas, Suleman Saidu, Rasheed Wasiu Bolaji, Adigun Sodiq, Sunday Okoro, Akiniran Oyetakin, Ogidi Isah, Ibrahim Adesanya, and Faruk Abdulquadri who are #EndSARS protesters detained without trial in Kirikiri Medium Security Prison in Lagos since 2020.”

Nothing has been heard concerning their release to date.

Need for Psychological Evaluation and Retraining

Although SARS was at the forefront of human rights abuses, abuses were not limited to it. The government’s response to this demand was correspondingly limited and half-hearted.

Shortly after the disbandment of SARS, it announced in a highly criticised move the formation of a new Special Weapons and Tactical (SWAT) unit, promising that SWAT officials would undergo psychological evaluations and training.

However, by simply replacing SARS without further reforms of the wider police and paramilitary forces, the government adopted a narrow and grossly inadequate approach to addressing the issue of police brutality in the country.

Indeed, in the three years since the #EndSARS movement, the Nigerian police, military, and paramilitary agencies have continued to violate the rights of ordinary Nigerians.

Amnesty International reports that at least 115 people have been killed by security forces in southeast Nigeria between March and June 2021, with 52 documented incidents of “unlawful killing” in the states of Abia, Imo, Anambra, and Ebonyi.

Instances of extrajudicial killings continue to be reported in other parts of the country. For instance, in August 2021, a police officer was dismissed for shooting a motorcyclist in an unprovoked attack.

In a report from October 2021, police officers shot a man dead in Akwa Ibom state, with the officers later claiming that the death was a result of an accidental discharge. Months earlier, autopsy reports of an inmate who had died in police detention revealed signs of torture.

Harassment associated with SARS has also not ceased. In October 2021, a viral video of a policeman assaulting a commuter dominated Nigerian social media. It was reported that the officer and his colleagues had extorted passengers and then assaulted one of them when challenged.

On December 25, 2022, a cop attached to the Ajah Police Station shot dead a 41-year-old pregnant lawyer, Bolanle Raheem, under the Ajah Bridge, in the presence of her husband.

In an expedited action occasioned by the involvement of the Lagos State government, On October 9, the Lagos State High Court sentenced Drambi Vandi, who fatally shot Bolanle Raheem, to death by hanging.

The death of Gafaru Buraimoh was also linked to the cops at the Ajah Police Division.

Buraimoh, a resident of Happy Estate in Ajah, was hit by a stray bullet at about 10 p.m. while coming out of SkyMall on December 7, 2022, by a police inspector attached to the police station.

The duo of Igwe Odinaka and Chikere Obieche were two businessmen killed on April 24, 2022, by a drunk cop at a friend’s birthday party in a hotel bar at the Gowon Estate in Lagos State.

Koleosho Abayomi is a security guard at the Lekki Peninsula Scheme II, in the Eti Osa Local Government Area of Lagos State. He was shot by a police officer enforcing the ban on motorcycle operations in Lagos on September 28, 2022. He was however fortunate to have survived.

On January 22, 2022, Paul Durowaiye was killed by a cop whose N20 sachet water he drank in Kogi State.

Godsent Obhafuoso was killed by a cop on August 13, 2022, during the burial of his master’s late mother in the Esan North East Local Government Area of Edo State.

Oliver Ezra Barawani, a graduate of Taraba State University, was driving with his boss, Liu, an LG chairman, before he was killed by a policeman on June 4, 2022.

Emmanuel Joseph, an All Progressives Congress Ward Seven youth leader in Calabar South, Calabar State, was killed by a trigger-happy police officer on May 27, 2022.

Toba Adedeji, a journalist, was covering a protest when he was shot by a trigger-happy policeman in Osogbo, Osun State, on May 23, 2022.

Emeka Uwalaka, a National Diploma Civil Engineering student of the Federal Polytechnic Nekede, Owerri, Imo State, was shot on July 11, 2022, by a policeman attached to the Nekede Police Division.

On January 1, 2023, a policeman attached to the Katsina State Police Command shot dead two people. The incident was said to have happened in the Filin Kanada area of the state. Three teenagers also sustained gunshot injuries.

On April 6, 2023, there was tension in Asaba, Delta State capital, following the killing of a middle-aged businessman, identified as Emmanuel Onyeka, by a police officer after the deceased reportedly refused to offer him an N100 bribe at a checkpoint.

On January 11, 2023, operatives of the Nigeria Police Force guarding the palace at Ilasan, Lekki Phase 1 were captured in the video assaulting a lady when she attempted to record them during a conversation with an Uber driver. The lady’s phone was seized and she was also arrested.

In March 2023, a mobile policeman, Sergeant Olalere Michael, killed a woman identified as Miss Tosin, suspected to be his mistress, and later shot himself dead on school premises in Ilorin, Kwara State.

On April 21, 2023, some armed police officers were secretly filmed using a machete to smack two unidentified persons in Imo State.

In terms of its effect on police brutality, it is hard to conclude that the #EndSARS movement has had the desired result. Indeed, at the first commemoration of the Lekki tollgate shooting, the Nigerian police reportedly harassed, beat, and arrested peaceful protesters and journalists. In one video, policemen could be seen hitting and harassing a journalist who was covering the anniversary event.

Ordinary Nigerian security operatives lack adequate human rights training. To address this, the government must institute a strict, regular system of human rights appraisal whereby security personnel are trained, assessed, and evaluated based on their compliance and respect for human rights.

Compensation for Victims of Police Brutality

In the aftermath of the Lekki tollgate shootings, the Nigerian government ordered that “Judicial Panels of Inquiry and Restitution” be set up in each state to investigate allegations of brutality.

Some of the panels have gone on to award money to victims. For example, the Lagos panel awarded $637,470 to 47 petitioners. However, not every state set up such a panel, with reports suggesting that such panels could not be set up because of financial and other challenges. The clear effect of this is that victims of police brutality in those states have no access to justice and compensation.

This practice of the creation of inquiry panels must be sustained and developed to improve the protection of human rights in Nigeria, especially the rights to life and freedom from torture.

The government could, for instance, initiate a policy whereby every death at the hands of the state is compulsorily investigated through public inquiries. This would evince the government’s resolve towards respect for the sanctity of human life.

Investigation and Prosecution of SARS officials

In 2019, a presidential investigative panel recommended the prosecution of 33 SARS officers. However, a year later, the country’s attorney general declared that there was not enough evidence to prosecute the indicted officers, contrary to assertions by the country’s National Human Rights Commission.

On February 3, 2023, a High Court in Port Harcourt convicted and sentenced two former members of the disbanded Special Anti-Robbery Squad to death by hanging.

They were part of the five-member SARS team that were standing trial for killing Michael Akor and Michael Igwe, while in their custody for allegedly stealing recharge cards in Oyigbo, Oyigbo Local Government Area of Rivers State in 2015.

The accused officers were Samuel Chigbu, Shedrack Ibibo, Magus Awuri, Ogoligo, and Olisa Emeka. While Chigbu and Ogoligo died in custody at the correctional centre in Port Harcourt, Ibibo, Awuri, and Emeka continued with the trial.

In her judgement, the trial judge, Justice Margaret Opara, found Shedrack Ibibo and Magus Awuri guilty of conspiracy to murder, while Emeka was acquitted.

Despite the global condemnation of the Lekki tollgate massacre, the government failed to indict any official. It has instead continued to deny that the massacre happened.

It would be a step in the right direction for the government to create a dedicated department within the Ministry of Justice to investigate and prosecute perpetrators of police brutality.

A publicity campaign would need to be carried out to encourage citizens to make complaints and bring the attention of the department to cases of abuse and brutality. There is a clear need for a public and sincere policy of zero tolerance for errant officers rather than the pervasive culture of protection and endorsement.

Notwithstanding, one huge positive from the 2020 #EndSARS protest is the speedy reaction by the police force headquarters in any and every indicting report or complaint against any of its officers, and the speed at which it trials any officer found guilty of any offence as alleged by the public, without any attempt at covering up.

Increased Police Salary

This last demand was a sign that the protestors supported good members of the police and security forces, and it recognized that underpaying police officers encouraged corruption and abuse.

Following the protest, on December 15, 2021, the Federal Executive Council (FEC) approved the review and upgrade of salaries of police personnel by 20 per cent, with immediate effect from January 2022.

EndSARS 2020, a Success or Failure?

Measuring the protest by its objectives, it could be said to have been partially successful in somewhat and failed to some large extent.

For instance, over 40 #EndSARS protesters are still being imprisoned, according to Amnesty International. More so, the Nigeria Police Force is yet to include psychological evaluation and retraining of all its officers, including those formerly working with the disbanded SARS, before their redeployment.

While Lagos state stands out in compensating the victims of police brutality, not every state has emulated this; this is just as nothing has been heard about the erring officers whose actions and inactions led to the 2020 protest in the first place.

However, there has now been increased sensitisation among the citizens to expose and report errant officers in uniform, who go beyond the line of their job to the right authority, and also improved efforts by the Nigeria Police Command to speedily identify, investigate and prosecute any errant police officer, since the 2020 protest.

There has also been an increment in police salary, which is the last part of the five major demands made by the protesters.

With this, one can say the 2020 #EndSARS protest was partially successful and majorly unsuccessful, as the thrust of the whole protest was to end police brutality or brutality of any form by men in uniform, which persists today.

Conclusion

The #EndSARS movement was ground-breaking. It drew global attention to the excesses of Nigeria’s rogue SARS unit and showed the Nigerian people’s determination to fight for their rights. However, most of the underlying causes of the protests still exist.

The government must create a system of mandatory public inquiries whenever a person is brutalised or dies at the hands of the police and other security agencies.

Furthermore, there should be clear and easily accessible channels for reporting abuse by security agents, outside social media and lying or complaints at police stations. The channel should be independent and instituted by every state and the federal government as the umpire.

The government must also set a high human rights standard for security agents through the creation of a strict, regular system of human rights appraisal, while also taking officers through a quarterly psychological evaluation to test their mental readiness for the task of protecting the citizenry bestowed upon them through taxpayers money.